Creative Class or Precarious Workers: Secondary Creators of Animation on Chinese Video Platforms

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Original Author of the Paper: CHEN, HUAISONG Master's Thesis in Development Studies, The University of Hong Kong, July 2024

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Abstract

“Creative Class or Precarious Workers: Secondary Creators of Animated Content on Chinese Video Platforms”

This paper examines the gig economy phenomenon among anime fan creators on the Chinese video platform Bilibili, depicting the business models of creative gig workers in the video production industry. The study conducted 69 semi-structured interviews and field research, gathering personal information and opinions from anime fan creators over a ten-year period. The results show that these creative workers exhibit more diverse characteristics compared to traditional gig workers; however, there is controversy regarding their future prospects. While the economy appears to be thriving, it is accompanied by potential risks, whereas the creator community remains committed to sustainable development. Overall, this study offers unique insights into today’s emerging forms of the gig economy, particularly as they relate to China’s current flexible employment landscape and the social media platform economy.

Keywords: Gig economy; platform economy; creative industries; video platforms; animation creators;Bilibili；MAD

Statement

I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own original work and, except for a few instances where proper acknowledgment has been given, does not contain any material from any thesis, dissertation, or report previously submitted to this university or any other institution for the purpose of obtaining a degree, diploma, or other qualification.

Acknowledgments

This research was carried out under the guidance of Dr. Wang He of the University of Hong Kong, who is an outstanding advisor and from whom I have learned a great deal. I would also like to thank all the instructors in the Master of Arts in Chinese Development Studies (MAChDS) program at the University of Hong Kong, especially Mr. Yang, for providing me with a valuable learning experience.

I would also like to thank all the MADers I’ve met on Bilibili. Although I’ve never met many of them in person, their support helped me complete this thesis.

In addition, I would like to thank the friends I made at the University of Hong Kong; I have learned a great deal from our interactions. Finally, I would also like to thank my parents and my younger sister; their support over the past 20 years has brought me to where I am today.

Glossary of Internet Slang Terms

ACG

Animation, manga, and video games. Refers specifically to commercial or cultural products produced in Japan. In most cases, the term can be extended to includeACGRelated physical goods or digital derivatives. In rare cases, the term may be extended to include electronic or physical items manufactured in China but featuring a Japanese style. Most people do not recognize or even oppose the use of “ACG”Refers to animation, comics, and video games from Europe and the United States."
* Sometimes people use the term “ACGN” to refer to Japanese light novels.

Anime and Manga

“Nijigen (二次元)” literally translates to “two-dimensional.” Since ACG culture primarily exists in a digital or virtual state, it has only two dimensions (no depth). This slang term is virtually synonymous with “ACG” and is commonly used within the ACG community. Therefore, this article will primarily use “ACG” as the term of reference.

fanworks

“The original meaning of ”doujin“ in Japanese is ”people of the same type,” referring to those who share the same hobbies, interests, and so on. Today, the term’s scope has narrowed, and it is used specifically to describe any form of fan-created work based on ACG.

Fan Art

The original term is the Simplified Chinese phrase “二次创作.” Since this term does not contain any cultural elements, it has been replaced in this article with its direct English translation. In the ACG community, “secondary creation” typically refers to the use of elements from existing works to create amateur works in any form. However, it is strongly recommended to cite the source.

MAD (where “Mai De” is a homophone for “MAD”)

Music Anime Douga—the romanized form of the Japanese term “アニメ動画”—literally means “animated videos with music.” It is a form of fan-created content that typically uses (commercial) manga, anime, or video game footage to produce amateur videos. In this field, it is generally accepted that MADs should be of high quality.

"AMV"

"Anime Music Video" is the term used in the West for MADs. Sometimes it refers only to fan-created works based on anime.

Still

In Japanese kanji and Chinese, this is written as “静止 (static),” and in the West it is commonly referred to as MMV, which stands for Manga (Japanese comics) Music Video. In contrast to AMV, “static” videos and MMVs refer to fan-created videos made using ACG manga. Since manga consists of static images, “static” seems to be an appropriate descriptive term.

GMV

Game Music Video, or GMV for short, can theoretically be defined as:
GMV = MAD - AMV - MMV
However, GMV can sometimes also refer to gaming-related videos outside the ACG genre.

Chun Jian (a homophone for “soda ash”)

“Chun-jian” means “pure editing” in Chinese and refers to a type of AMV that relies solely on editing without any post-production. In this field, people often use “pure soda” (i.e., sodium carbonate, Na₂CO₃) as a euphemism for “pure editing,” because when typing the pinyin “Chun-jian,” this term usually appears first.

Mixed

“Hybrid” in Chinese means “mix” and refers to a MAD that includes both AMV and still-image segments.

 

This article lists only the most frequently used terms.

Please note that, due to the nature of the Internet, the origins of some of the terms mentioned above are difficult to determine. Therefore, the definitions used in this paper are based on the explanations provided by respondents during the survey, public opinion, and summaries from long-standing and widely recognized websites within online communities.

In other words, the meanings of the above terms may change over time.

I. Introduction

1. An Unclear Definition: The Gig Economy

As neoliberalism has swept across the globe, increased labor market flexibility has directly led to a rise in the proportion of short-term contracts between companies and workers. Companies rely on freelancers rather than full-time, long-term employees to fill temporary and even long-term positions. This resulting “gig economy” has effectively reduced labor costs for companies and given rise to a variety of new professions and industrial processes. Looking at China’s development over the past decade, the gig economy has emerged in multiple industries and has become deeply integrated into the daily lives of ordinary people in certain sectors, reflecting one aspect of China’s booming economy.

The origins of the gig economy can be traced back to the United States in the 1970s. Due to changes in labor laws, the decline of labor unions, and rising unemployment rates, U.S. companies were able to lower wages, reduce benefit costs, and minimize the risk of wrongful termination lawsuits by establishing short-term employment relationships tailored to specific needs (Friedman, 2014). In the Western world, discussions about the gig economy typically center on companies such as Uber, Deliveroo, and Airtasker. With their extensive market reach, these companies have disrupted existing consumption patterns and even expanded the market by increasing the number of service providers and offering greater convenience to consumers (Healy, Nicholson, and Pekarek, 2017).

In their study, Healy, Nicholson, and Pekarek (2017) noted that the rise of the gig economy has posed new challenges to traditional business models, labor management practices, and regulation. This is because the gig economy represents a new form of service delivery that connects buyers and sellers directly or indirectly through platform companies. Although the gig economy still accounts for a small proportion of the broader labor market, it is growing at a very rapid pace (Healy, Nicholson, and Pekarek, 2017). Even though researchers believe that economic, industrial, and political factors may slow or halt the growth of the gig economy, making it unlikely to become the dominant form of the future labor market, the article still emphasizes the need for systematic academic research on the gig economy.

In addition to short-term employment relationships and a new form of service delivery, there is another aspect to the definition of the gig economy. For example, whether gig workers should be considered employees or self-employed individuals, and whether specially tailored labor laws are needed to protect them, are issues that must be considered from a labor law perspective (Todolí-Signes, 2017) . In many cases, scholars view service providers on platforms as independent contractors; thus, in a sense, this represents an extension of the traditional self-employed model (Donovan, Bradley, and Shimabukuru, 2016). However, Todolí-Signes (2017) argues that new laws do indeed need to be enacted to address this new category of workers emerging in this new environment.

The current research framework on the gig economy is rather fragmented, partly due to the rapid development of information and communication technologies (ICT), which has led to the emergence of the platform economy and significantly reshaped the original form of the gig economy, resulting in fragmented discussions and unclear research questions (Malik, Visvizi, and Skrzek-Lubasińska, 2021) . Malik, Visvizi, and Skrzek-Lubasińska (2021) examined 378 papers on the gig economy published up to February 2020 and concluded that scholars need to focus specifically on the different contexts of the gig economy at the local, regional, national, and potentially transnational levels. At the same time, this study largely clarified the conceptual boundaries between the platform economy and the gig economy. Specifically, the platform economy primarily emphasizes connecting employers and employees through online digital platforms, whereas the gig economy retains its original characteristics of short-term contracts and freelance work. The emergence of platforms enables new models of economic collaboration, including—but not limited to—the possibility of geographically dispersed virtual teams in new fields and the potential to create higher-value-added gig work. These possibilities have already begun to manifest in reality, and this paper will discuss them in greater detail in the following sections.

2. Background: Emerging Forms of the Gig Economy, Particularly in China

Since the State Council of the People’s Republic of China issued a document supporting “flexible employment” in July 2020, the discussion surrounding the gig economy in China appears to have become even more conceptually ambiguous. Flexible employment, the platform economy, and the gig economy overlap to some extent when describing similar phenomena, but they also have their own distinct characteristics. In any case, according to Document No. 27 of 2020 issued by the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, “flexible employment” includes self-employment, part-time work, and new forms of employment channels. Among these, “new forms of employment” place particular emphasis on sectors such as the digital economy and the platform economy, including online retail, mobile transportation, online education and training, internet-based healthcare, and online entertainment. This undoubtedly demonstrates China’s current push toward diversification and higher value-added development within the gig economy. Consequently, new forms of the gig economy have emerged.

In China, the emergence of flexible employment has spurred a noticeable trend toward career innovation. Many young people born in the Internet age are more inclined to pursue Internet-related careers, such as freelance writing, live-streaming, and translation (Lei, Niu, Zhang, and Jiang, 2018). Lei, Niu, Zhang, and Jiang (2018) argue that the ties between individuals and organizations are becoming increasingly tenuous. Part-time work offers more flexible working hours and allows individuals to pursue their interests and professional skills in a cost-effective manner. This trend has been supported by the rapid growth of China’s human resources outsourcing market over the past 20 years. The internet entertainment industry has developed into a massive market. According to the *Digital China Development Report* released by the Cyberspace Administration of China in April 2023, the number of online music users in China reached 684 million, with an internet user penetration rate of 64.1%. Sixteen industries characterized by emerging cultural business models—including animation and online cultural and entertainment platforms—generated annual operating revenue of 4.386 trillion yuan, representing a year-over-year increase of 5.3%.

Currently, online entertainment content platforms are reshaping the entire entertainment industry. New methods of production and distribution, along with new consumption patterns, are forcing traditional media and entertainment conglomerates to compete with powerful new rivals and gradually lose the dominant positions they once held, as these new platforms are more popular among the younger generation (Chalaby, 2024). When users are able to create videos and upload them to sharing sites, this attracts more new users to the platform, ultimately generating more advertising revenue for the platform. These platforms also make it easier for users to find videos they like, creating a positive feedback loop between user engagement and advertising revenue (Parker, Van Alstyne, and Choudary, 2016). According to Chalaby (2024), the growth in scale and market valuation of these companies during this process stems from the value they generate by leveraging assets and labor beyond their own boundaries. Clearly, this does not involve any long-term, stable employment relationships, but the intrinsic value of the market itself has paved the way for the emergence of new, spontaneously formed business models.

In this paper, the research focuses on one particular platform—Bilibili. There is no doubt that Bilibili is currently the highest-quality video-sharing platform in mainland China. Often referred to as the “Chinese YouTube,” Bilibili is widely praised for the superior quality of its video content. Its sustained growth has also generated high expectations among the public and investors. According to Bilibili’s 2023 annual report, the platform successfully surpassed the 100 million daily active users mark in the second half of 2023. The average daily usage time per active user on the Bilibili app was nearly 97 minutes, and total user engagement increased by 17% compared to the previous year. Although the company remained unprofitable in 2023, Bilibili successfully halved its net loss, its gross margin rose from 17.6% in 2022 to 24.2% in 2023, and it achieved positive operating cash flow of 640 million RMB in the fourth quarter. A key factor contributing to this success was the large number of individual creators using the Bilibili platform to share content. In 2023, an average of approximately 21.5 million pieces of content were submitted to Bilibili each month, a year-over-year increase of 46%. In addition, more than 3 million creators generated revenue through the monetization channels provided by Bilibili, a year-over-year increase of 30%. Notably, the number of creators earning income through video content and live-streamed product sales increased by 133%. Clearly, the majority of these creators operate within the framework of the gig economy or platform economy, maintaining contractual relationships with the Bilibili platform at various levels. In this study, we examine the development of Bilibili’s earliest creator community over the past decade from a micro-level perspective, as an emerging form of the gig economy.

3. Research Questions

Many people may not realize this right now,BilibiliIn fact, after 2018, it gradually transformed into a platform covering a wide variety of video genres. From its founding in 2009 until it recently began commercial operations, Bilibili had long been merely a community for ACG (animation, comics, and games) enthusiasts, where “ACG” specifically refers to works related to Japan’s “2D” culture (i.e., a virtual world distinct from real life). Among these enthusiasts, a common form of creative expression involved re-editing existing commercial anime and manga and adding music of their own choosing—a practice that was very popular at the time in Japan’s “doujin” culture. These animated “remix” montages are commonly referred to as “MAD” or “AMV,” which are abbreviations for “Music Anime Douga” (Japanese for “music anime video”) and “Anime Music Video,” respectively. The creators of these videos jokingly refer to themselves as “MADers.” According to the recollections of interviewees in this study (Interviewees 2, 4, 55, 69, etc.), MADs accounted for more than half of the newly uploaded videos on Bilibili as recently as 2014. Furthermore, because this art form often employs various digital technologies, the MADer community on Bilibili has long been regarded as a group possessing professional video production skills.

Based on early observations of this group and preliminary interactions prior to formal research, it was found that the personal backgrounds of this community’s members are extremely diverse. Through animation remixes (referred to below as “MAD video production” or “MAD creation”), they have acquired a high level of professional skill and use these skills to earn income in various ways during their free time. Although MAD has declined in mainstream popularity and has becomeBilibiliDespite being one of the most marginalized video formats on the platform, MADers have still found their own business model within Bilibili’s content ecosystem; although it generally lacks attention, MAD itself has not disappeared. The gig economy phenomenon surrounding MADers shares some similarities with existing gig economy sectors—such as food delivery, ride-hailing, or live-streaming platforms—but also exhibits significant differences. More notably, a significant proportion of MADers appear to transition from gig work to professional video roles within related industries.

To date, no study has examined in detail the identities, skill levels, learning channels, revenue models, and employment prospects of these creators of derivative works based on Chinese animation. The economic phenomenon surrounding MADers appears to be a unique yet highly relevant case study in the context of the booming internet content economy. This study aims to investigateBilibiliThese animators on the platform illustrate the skill sets, motivations, working conditions, and career prospects of MADers. This offers a new perspective on research into the gig economy and the platform economy, shedding light on one aspect of China’s current “flexible employment” workforce.

II. Literature Review

In this section, the study provides a detailed summary of the existing literature on the gig economy, focusing on estimates of its global market size, the current status of gig workers, and the role of the platform economy. Furthermore, given the relevance of the research questions to the creative industries, the study also summarizes the economic conditions of related industries in Japan and the impact of the existing platform economy on creative content production.

1. Current Statistics and Observations on the Gig Economy

According to PwC’s “2022 Gig Economy Report,” which is based on a statistical analysis of 13 major European countries, both employee and self-employed arrangements are widespread. Specifically, in Austria and Spain, gig workers typically work as employees, while in Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, and the Netherlands, self-employment is the primary form of gig work. France currently has 3.6 million self-employed workers, with an average annual growth rate of 3.3% since 2009. Among them, gig workers account for approximately 7% of all self-employed individuals and 0.8% of the total labor force. Approximately 700,000 Italians are engaged in gig economy work, contributing between 0.7% and 1.3% to Italy’s GDP. The gig economy plays a significant role in the UK labor market; in 2021, approximately 4.4 million people in England and Wales worked for a gig economy platform at least once a week. In the Netherlands, gig workers account for 0.9% of the total labor force. The report notes that countries such as Belgium and Norway have not yet fully tapped into the potential of the gig economy. Overall, countries including Austria, Denmark, Greece, Norway, Spain, and Sweden lack specific data on the size of the gig economy or its overall economic significance. In Ireland, there are even serious doubts about the accuracy of its statistical data. However, one conclusion is clear: the gig economy, which was initially limited to transportation and food delivery services (such as Uber and courier services), is now expanding into more business sectors—particularly during the COVID-19 crisis, as individuals increasingly turn to online job opportunities to maintain social distancing.

According to a survey by the Pew Research Center, as of 2021, 16% Americans had earned income through online gig platforms. These gig workers perform a variety of tasks, including driving for ride-hailing apps, shopping or making deliveries, performing household chores, running errands, and delivering food or goods for food delivery apps—all of which operate on a similar model. It is worth noting that there are significant differences in gig work participation across different age groups: among individuals aged 18 to 29, 30% had earned income through online gig platforms, compared to 18% among those aged 30 to 49, with even lower rates among those aged 50 and older. Race also plays a role: 30% of Hispanic adults participated in the gig economy, compared to 20% of Black adults, 19% of Asian adults, and 12% of White adults. Overall, at the time of the survey, 9% of U.S. adults had earned income through online gig platforms in the past 12 months. Of these, 31% relied on gig work as their primary source of income. Notably, 42% of low-income individuals considered gig work their primary job over the past year. Regarding income, 23% of respondents viewed gig income as essential, 35% considered it important, and 39% viewed it as “nice to have, but not essential.” However, many people turned to gig work during the COVID-19 pandemic in order to save more money or offset income fluctuations (Anderson, McClain, Faverio, and Gelles-Watnick, 2021).

Research data on China’s gig economy remains relatively limited. According to a 2021 document from China’s National Development and Reform Commission, the number of people employed in China’s sharing economy reached 75 million in 2018. However, as of the document’s release, the official definition of flexible employment remained unclear, and the National Bureau of Statistics had not provided specific statistical data or a corresponding policy framework. That same year, the “2021 China Sharing Economy Development Report” released by the China Information Center estimated that approximately 830 million people participated in the sharing economy, of whom about 84 million were service providers (an increase of approximately 7.7% year-over-year). In addition, the number of employees at platform companies was approximately 6.31 million (an increase of approximately 1.3% year-over-year) . At a press conference on China’s national economic performance in 2021, the Director of the National Bureau of Statistics stated that the number of people engaged in flexible employment in China had reached approximately 200 million, including more than 4 million food delivery riders on various platforms and about 1.6 million live-streamers—a figure that had nearly tripled compared to the previous year.

According to the latest official report from the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, when comparing the first quarter of 2020 to the first quarter of 2023, the proportion of new flexible employment nationwide increased from 13.8% in the first quarter of 2020 to 28.8% in the second quarter of 2022, but subsequently fell to 19.1% in the first quarter of 2023. The report speculates that the economic recovery in 2023 reduced the demand for flexible employment. However, compared to the period from 2018 to 2020, the demand for flexible employment actually increased from 2020 to 2023. Among all job seekers, the proportion seeking new flexible employment positions rose from 18.6% in the first quarter of 2020 to 23.2% in the first quarter of 2023. Notably, industries and occupations closely linked to the digital economy exhibit a higher penetration rate of new flexible employment positions. In industries such as culture, media, entertainment, and sports, approximately 27.7% of positions require flexible workers. In particular, in internet-related occupations—such as film production, new media operations, and performing arts/management—the penetration rate of new flexible employment positions exceeds 50%, reaching as high as 79.4%. Consequently, flexible employment has become a major trend in these industries. New flexible employment positions typically have lower educational and work experience requirements for job seekers and offer higher wages, but come with fewer benefits compared to traditional employment positions (Information Center, Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security of the People’s Republic of China, 2024).

In China, informal data sources also provide some insights, as official statistical methods are overly complex. Notably, in November 2020, the Institute of Economics at Tsinghua University and the ByteDance Public Policy Institute jointly released a report on China’s flexible economy. According to the report’s calculations, China’s flexible economy reached a lower bound of 9003.1亿元人民币 in 2018, accounting for 2.16% of that year’s GDP. By 2019, the flexible economy had expanded to 9908.6亿元人民币, accounting for 2.64% of that year’s GDP. Taking into account the GDP deflator, the flexible economy contributed 10.43% to the total GDP growth from 2018 to 2019, with its absolute growth accounting for 29.4% of the total GDP growth. It is worth noting that the report categorizes the flexible economy into seven sectors: transportation, shared accommodation, food delivery services, live streaming, professional skills services, paid knowledge services, and content creation. Among these seven sectors, content creation dominated over the two-year period. In 2018, content creation reached 7423亿元人民币, surpassing food delivery services (4816.4亿元人民币), which ranked second. By 2019, content creation had further increased to 8542亿元人民币, exceeding food delivery services (6275.7亿元人民币). Furthermore, when considering flexible work related to live streaming, its scale surged from 188 billion yuan in 2018 to 494.2 billion yuan in 2019—more than doubling in size—making it the fastest-growing sector among the seven categories.

From a macroeconomic perspective, the development of China’s gig economy has been studied using panel data from 285 mainland cities covering the period from 2013 to 2020. Gao, Zhang, Wen, and Si (2024) found significant differences in the scale of the gig economy across the Pearl River Delta (Hong Kong, Macao, and Guangdong), the Middle Yangtze River region, and the Chengdu-Chongqing region, with these disparities gradually widening over the observation period. However, the gig economy indices in China’s major strategic regions showed positive trends, indicating optimism regarding current performance and future prospects. It is worth noting that the internet has played a significant role in driving the development of the gig economy in recent years. However, the researchers caution against the potential brain drain effect in megacities and emphasize the need to promptly improve support systems for gig workers.

Regarding global online flexible work, the current global landscape shows that there are 545 online flexible platforms worldwide, headquartered in 63 countries. These platforms connect workers with clients across 186 countries (World Bank, 2023). Although there is a lack of reliable data sources to estimate the overall scale, the World Bank (2023), in a report on online gig work, attempted to conduct a global online survey using experimental Random Domain Interception Technique (RDIT) across six regions and 17 countries. Globally, the total number of online gig workers registered on a single platform is estimated to range from 154 million to 435 million, accounting for 4.4% to 12.5% of the global labor force; however, these figures may be underestimated. Researchers estimate that globally, approximately 132.5 million flexible workers engage in this work as their primary occupation, 173.7 million as a side job, and 106.2 million as occasional work. The duration of flexible work and the proportion of income derived from it vary significantly. Approximately 60% of companies in low-income or lower-middle-income countries and nearly 50% of companies in upper-middle-income or high-income countries confirmed that the trend of outsourcing work to flexible workers has been on the rise in recent years.

Overall, statistical data on the gig economy worldwide remains incomplete, primarily due to unclear definitions and inconsistent statistical methodologies. However, available estimates and calculations indicate that the gig economy is a significant component of national economies, accounting for a share that cannot be ignored. Particularly in the wake of the pandemic, the gig economy has become even more important for some people. At the same time, businesses also have a need to hire flexible workers. These phenomena are widespread globally, with neither developed nor developing countries being exceptions. Furthermore, there is now a clear recognition of the importance of platforms to the gig economy, and their role is being emphasized. In China, in particular, the gig economy related to the internet entertainment industry and content creation has even surpassed food delivery platforms in terms of overall scale.

However, assessments of the overall size of the gig economy in the existing literature lack detailed descriptions of business models within specific industries. In this study, we aim to partially address this research gap by exploring one aspect of the creative gig economy, specifically its application in the ACG-style video production industry.

2. Gig Workers in the Platform Economy

In a report by the McKinsey Global Institute, researchers proposed a four-category classification system to analyze the specific circumstances of flexible workers. These categories include: freelancers, who actively choose to work independently as their primary source of income; part-time workers, who choose flexible work to supplement their income; reluctant workers, who are forced to rely on flexible work as their primary source of income but would prefer traditional employment; and those facing financial hardship, who engage in flexible work out of necessity (Manyika, Lund, Bughin, Robinson, Mischke & Mahajan, 2016). This classification is based on flexible workers’ income needs and the degree of flexibility they have. Best (2017) confirmed that this classification aligns with the current state of the gig economy. At the same time, Best’s paper points out that it is important to recognize that flexible work is not measured solely by the number of hours worked, as different tasks have varying time requirements. Furthermore, with the development of platforms and information and communication technologies, workers often engage in multiple flexible jobs simultaneously. This is facilitated by current technological capabilities and resources such as Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), which enable them to acquire the specialized skills required for specific jobs.

Best (2017) also identified the three economic sectors most relevant to today’s gig economy: the household sector, the information technology and media sector, and the transportation sector. These three categories can be further subdivided into several subcategories. From the perspective of work distribution, it is best to distinguish between “crowdsourced work” and “on-demand work via apps” (De Stefano, 2016).

Crowdsourced work refers to online platforms assigning a series of tasks to workers, which are typically completed online. As for flexible work “on-demand via apps,” this refers to the assignment of traditional offline tasks—such as transportation, cleaning, and errand services—through mobile applications. For “on-demand work via apps,” platforms are required to establish minimum quality standards for flexible workers and are responsible for selecting and managing the workforce. However, De Stefano (2016) found that flexible workers are often misclassified as independent contractors rather than platform employees. This misclassification prevents workers from enjoying the labor law and social security protections to which they are entitled. When flexible workers are treated as “independent contractors,” they bear risks and responsibilities that should rightfully fall on employers, such as compliance with social security and minimum wage regulations. While platforms benefit from reduced labor costs, this may lead to unfair competition in the market. Over time, this may exacerbate the informalization of the labor market, increase workers’ job insecurity and income uncertainty, and ultimately worsen working conditions in the industry.

Flexible workers—especially those who are already in vulnerable positions—face challenges that go far beyond those mentioned above. According to a 2018 report published by SpringerLink, flexible workers face three common forms of vulnerability: occupational risks related to the work itself, job insecurity, and pressure from platforms.

Job insecurity encompasses not only uncertainties related to health insurance and social security, but also uncertainties regarding access to production resources. Flexible workers are constrained by the tools and production materials provided to them. Furthermore, flexible work may hinder individuals’ career development due to uncertainty regarding training opportunities. Worker vulnerability stemming from platforms is equally critical, including misclassification of workers, information asymmetry, and a culture of surveillance.

Due to the platform’s algorithms, gig workers typically lack bargaining power in pricing decisions; the platform’s algorithms determine prices without their input. In addition, the platform closely monitors and evaluates workers, which places significant social and psychological pressure on them. Gig workers fear losing income due to factors beyond their control; they strive to maintain positive ratings to avoid being downgraded by the algorithm, which could result in the platform system withholding further work assignments—effectively “firing” them (Bajwa, Gastaldo, Di Ruggiero, & Knorr, 2018).

Health issues among flexible workers are not a new topic. In today’s flexible economy, the widespread practice of determining income based on workload had already raised historical concerns even before the emergence of the platform economy. According to data from the 1979 National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY79) in the United States, piece-rate pay—while it may have increased productivity—had negative effects on workers’ health from a public health perspective (Davis & Hoyt, 2020). Compared to workers with fixed salaries, piece-rate workers are more likely to underreport health problems—particularly low-income workers, women, and people of color, who face higher health risks. Consequently, piece-rate pay disproportionately affects vulnerable groups in the U.S. labor market.

In some cases, social media platforms have also contributed to the development of the gig economy from a unique and positive perspective. In Thailand, these platforms have sought to portray gig workers—particularly food delivery riders—as “heroes” (Mieruch & McFarlane, 2023). This “hero narrative” portrays food delivery riders as independent partners, emphasizing their sense of pride and service-oriented mindset, and praising their perseverance in challenging working conditions, with the aim of shaping a distinct identity. However, Mieruch and McFarlane found that this heroic narrative actually supplants the workers’ narrative, encouraging riders to accept their precarious working conditions rather than assert the labor protections they are entitled to as employees. By framing flexible workers as independent contractors, platforms shift risks and responsibilities from employers to workers—such as compliance with social insurance regulations and minimum wage requirements. This narrative obscures the unequal power structures inherent in the gig economy. At the same time, it is worth noting that some Thai riders have used social media platforms to resist these conditions. They have created virtual social spaces for mutual aid and collective action, driving the rise of grassroots civil society organizations that advocate for workers’ rights. Ultimately, this competition over identity narratives has evolved into union-like organizations that, propelled by social media platforms, work collectively to improve working conditions (Mieruch & McFarlane, 2023).

Indeed, we need to recognize that, in addition to flexible workers facing various socioeconomic challenges, there is also a segment of self-motivated flexible workers. According to Self-Determination Theory (SDT) in psychology, recent research has found that some flexible workers are fully engaged in their work, feeling a sense of willingness, purpose, and choice—a motivation that stems from intrinsic interest and satisfaction (Jabagi, Croteau, Audebrand & Marsan, 2019). Consequently, many gig platforms aim to boost productivity through external rewards and/or psychological manipulation. Furthermore, Jabagi, Croteau, Audebrand, and Marsan found that social networks partially fulfill platform workers’ needs for interpersonal relationships and recognition of their personal capabilities. These networks even contribute to a sense of belonging within online communities. How platform design optimizes the experience of flexible workers will significantly impact long-term competitiveness and sustainability. If platforms can better meet the needs of flexible workers, foster a positive social environment, and provide meaningful incentives, they will be able to attract more self-motivated flexible workers, thereby promoting the platform’s continued growth.

Similarly, a study of 450 ride-hailing drivers in a college town in the Midwest of the United States also showed that the rise of social networking platforms (SNS) has enabled ride-hailing drivers to establish a collective labor identity in online social spaces, which has influenced their views on the role of unions and collective organization. More frequent online interactions ultimately sparked active interest among drivers in joining a drivers’ union (Maffie, 2020). Maffie argues that networks of online workers have become a new type of institutional actor within the modern industrial system.

At times, social media platforms provide emotional value to a broader audience. During the COVID-19 pandemic, many businesses and individuals faced nearly devastating impacts. In this context, social media played a supportive role in mitigating these impacts (Arora & Sharma, 2022). Research by Arora and Sharma indicates that the convergence of the gig economy, traditional business strategies, social media platforms, technology, and entrepreneurship has led to breakthrough progress. In particular, social platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram saw a surge in users during the pandemic, becoming channels for learning and earning money with few significant barriers. Essentially, people were able to leverage their existing skills to earn income that was previously out of reach, while also experiencing a sense of fulfillment. During the economic crisis, although the pay was relatively low, gig work provided workers with a minimally sustainable yet viable source of income.

Kenney and Zysman (2019) further elaborated on the role of content platforms in the gig economy. Although it is difficult to precisely quantify the impact of platforms on employment and to accurately measure the value created by the platform economy, digital platforms undeniably facilitate low-cost and convenient connections between people. Retailers can operate out of a bedroom or garage, and digital work or products can originate from anywhere in the world. These goods and services are available around the clock, and gig workers are free to choose their own working hours. However, Kenney and Zysman also emphasize the need for caution regarding the power wielded by platform owners. From the platform’s perspective, companies like Amazon can leverage their control over data to favor certain retailers, giving them greater exposure. At the same time, platform owners rarely disclose how their algorithms are constructed and can modify these algorithms without notifying users. As a result, users often have to rely on guesswork to understand the platform’s mechanisms and decide how to act.

In China, according to a study conducted by Beijing University of Technology, community-based gig workers have significant advantages over traditional gig workers in terms of job opportunities, flexibility in working hours, and compensation. Traditional gig work faces issues such as low efficiency in matching job seekers with opportunities and high labor time costs (Yang and Lu, 2024). Yang and Lu point out that community-based networks transform job-seeking channels from unidirectional to multidirectional, eliminating information gaps and accelerating the flow of information. As a result, gig workers can proactively book future jobs during their free time based on online information, thereby achieving a relatively stable workload. Yang and Lu also found that the economic gains of gig workers on the platform depend on accumulating positive credit ratings and building a reputation through word of mouth. Whether spontaneously formed or organized, community-based operations play a crucial role in ensuring that gig workers’ labor interests are effectively protected, underscoring the importance of regulated communities.

Chinese researchers have also examined the reasons why corporate employees engage in side hustles from a unique perspective. Their study found that, in addition to income-driven factors and the need for emotional fulfillment, career development needs were also highlighted (Lin, Liu, & He, 2024). Lin, Liu, and He conducted a study that included 27 semi-structured interviews and 7 online interviews. They found that, in terms of career values, individuals view interpersonal relationships or networking as an end in themselves rather than merely a means to an end. In this context, side hustles serve as a pathway to establishing connections with higher-level social networks, reflecting the social nature of Chinese society. Furthermore, the work environment has a significant influence on employees’ decisions to pursue side hustles. Within the context of China’s collectivist culture, people tend to prioritize their primary jobs.

Existing literature primarily discusses the livelihoods of workers in the sharing economy, taking into account both platform-based and non-platform-based contexts. To date, the literature has also briefly addressed the role of content platforms in the sharing economy. However, there remains a significant research gap regarding the circumstances of typical content creators on these platforms.

3. From Japan’s Doujin Economy to Anime Production

“The term ”doujin“ derives from the Japanese kanji ”同人” and originally referred to social circles, groups, or amateur communities sharing common interests, hobbies, or tastes. However, in modern usage, it typically refers to a group of enthusiasts who create derivative works (sometimes called “secondary creations”) based on existing material or shared interests, such as manga (Japanese comics), novels (usually Japanese light novels), video games, and music. A recent study involving 2,593 consumers revealed that 85 people created doujin manga, while another 85 participated in doujin music creation (Ichikohji & Katsumata, 2016). Furthermore, more than twenty people earned income through their doujin manga or music creations. The study by Ichikohji and Katsumata suggests that cultural consumers engaged in creative activities tend to expand their work into other areas and actively seek to monetize their creations. Furthermore, those who create across multiple content categories are more likely to generate income through the sale of their fan-created works. This symbiotic relationship between consumers and creators helps sustain the broader content industry. More importantly, the existing literature notes that Tokyo’s three-day doujinshi market, held twice a year since 1975, now attracts over 500,000 visitors, 35,000 of whom are sellers of self-published media (Hichibe & Tanaka, 2016).

Although most people remain amateurs, they can still distribute their self-produced works at various doujin events or exhibitions, and some are even able to make a profit by selling their creations. Gradually, semi-professionals and professionals have also begun participating in doujin events to sell their own works (Hichibe & Tanaka, 2016). Hichibe and Tanaka found that the scope of doujin creation has now expanded beyond Japanese manga, with doujin games also gaining significant popularity. More importantly, these efforts are typically driven by strong non-economic motivations, rooted in the joy of creation and the interaction between creators and users on social media platforms. Similar to doujin manga, the emergence of doujin exhibitions and related platforms has greatly facilitated the promotion and sale of fans’ creative works. As a result, some individuals have achieved both economic and non-economic success through their creative pursuits, and some even rely on the income generated from their creations to make a living.

In fact, the emergence of the platform economy has lowered barriers to entry, enabling more ordinary enthusiasts to become content providers within this economy. This phenomenon is not new and extends beyond Japan’s doujin culture. With the development of the internet and advances in personal electronic devices, the platform economy has significantly reshaped the music industry, ushering in an era where virtually anyone can participate in music creation (Arditi, 2016). Traditionally, music production required large recording studios, which were typically concentrated in major cities and controlled by record labels. Due to the high cost of recording equipment, studios were generally viable only in capital-intensive locations. These studios employed professionals in various roles throughout the music production process, achieving efficient music output through economies of scale. However, Arditi’s research indicates that advancements in digital technology—particularly the emergence of digital audio workstations (DAWs)—have enabled people to produce music at relatively low cost, even from home. Furthermore, the rise of online platforms has made it possible to rent out studio space to other musicians—similar to how Uber and Airbnb operate—further reducing the cost of music production. At the same time, musicians can connect directly with collaborators and clients through online platforms, thereby promoting the proliferation of home studios. Today, musicians have the flexibility to choose their own working hours and locations, completely transforming the traditional industry model. Of course, these changes have also led to the closure of many large recording studios, making work in music production more precarious. Professional producers and engineers now increasingly rely on temporary work and part-time income.

This also provides a glimpse into the commercialization of Chinese video platforms. A recent study, which tracked a specific studio over a two-month period and focused on platforms including iQIYI, Youku, and Bilibili, identified common commercialization models on video platforms through in-depth observations and interviews, while highlighting existing power imbalances (Lin, 2021). It is important to note that in China, digital video platforms serve not only as incubators of cultural soft power but also as an integral part of the government’s cultural governance. Consequently, platforms impose certain restrictions on creators, who often sacrifice some creative autonomy in the commercialization process. Lin’s study also reveals the various monetization methods creators employ through platform-facilitated commercialization. These methods include direct advertising integration, such as revenue-sharing programs (RSPs), where video platforms generate revenue by inserting ads and creators share in the advertising revenue. Another method is embedded product placement (EPP), in which creators integrate a sponsor’s brand or product into their videos to earn advertising revenue directly. Finally, there is the franchise chain model, which allows creators to authorize other teams to use their brand or business model locally for video production, training, and revenue generation. However, navigating this ecosystem undoubtedly involves negotiations with platforms and regulatory authorities.

Among all video platforms in China,BilibiliIt is a particularly unique platform, mainly because it was originally designed as a niche content-sharing platform for ACG (Japanese animation, manga, and games) enthusiasts. InBilibiliIn its early days, the platform deliberately maintained its exclusivity by carefully selecting users, thereby fostering a unique community culture that resembled an idealized existence (Chen, 2021). Unlike other video platforms,BilibiliA set of community guidelines is used to regulate user behavior and establish boundaries. In fact, users must even pass a membership exam to unlock certain interactive features on the platform. The combination of exclusivity on the outside and openness on the inside has successfully shapedBilibiliA unique community culture. It is worth noting that,BilibiliThe “danmu” feature, adapted from Japan’s Niconico video platform, breaks away from traditional linear video viewing by offering an instant yet multi-timeline viewing experience, allowing viewers to see others’ comments at different points in the same video. This encourages users to create and share content while interacting with one another. However, this environment has also led toBilibiliExisting users' resistance to commercialization and social norms. Chen's research indicates that inBilibiliIn its early days, the platform relied on user-generated content and even used crowdfunding to secure the rights to broadcast commercial anime. However, this approach was not sustainable. AsBilibiliAs influence grows, content monetization and commercialization are gradually becoming mainstream, and advertising and commercial activities are steadily increasing—althoughBilibiliThe initial commitment was to remain non-commercial. However,BilibiliIts strong community environment sets it apart in China's highly competitive market.

在BilibiliIn the early days, a popular creative approach among amateur creators was to create derivative works based on Japanese commercial anime or manga. This process typically involved selecting favorite music and blending it with the original footage through editing or other post-production techniques to create personalized videos. However, even today, it remains unclear whether this creative form originated in Japan or elsewhere in the world. Two terms—“AMV” (Anime Music Video) and “MAD” (Music Anime Douga)—are now widely used to describe this cross-regional form of derivative creation. In 2010, the book *DIY Media: Creating, Sharing, and Learning with New Technologies* published an article detailing the AMV production process—from material selection to software use and editing techniques—providing one of the earliest tutorials on AMV creation. According to Knobel, Lankshear, and Lewis (2010), while AMVs were indeed created in the early days using European and American animation footage, the term “AMV” gradually came to be used specifically to refer to fan works based on Japanese animation. The researchers did not identify the specific reasons for this shift at the time, but suggested that the development of Western AMVs may have been influenced by early MTV.

As for MAD, it has a longer history in Japan. A 2008 summary by Kurashiki University revealed that MAD was originally known as “Mad movie” (マッドムービー in Japanese). Its emergence coincided with the rise of YouTube and improvements in computer performance, which enabled creators to use the necessary tools. According to Nakagawa Hirokazu and Nakagawa Koichi (2008), MAD may have first appeared in university clubs in the 1970s. However, production and viewing were extremely difficult at that time, resulting in very limited popularity. With technological advances and the establishment of distribution channels, MAD naturally expanded. The article goes on to outline the four main forms of MAD: music-based editing, compiling favorite scenes into a slideshow, visual effects that replace the opening theme with another animation, and character story editing. These creative forms were the most popular prior to 2008.

Existing literature, including that from Japanese sources, has primarily focused on the subculture of fan-created works within the ACG field, particularly in the Japanese manga and game industries. However, there is relatively little literature addressing the specific economic phenomena related to video production and its creators. In particular, research on the economic status of Chinese animation fan creators remains an unexplored area.

III. Methodology and Data Collection

1. Methodology

Research on the freelance population encompasses individuals with diverse backgrounds within a specific category and typically employs a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods to obtain more accurate results. In the aforementioned literature review, nearly all studies on freelancers employed interviews, a combination of interviews and questionnaires, or a combination of interviews and field surveys to collect the necessary data. This study will also adopt this approach. However, by taking into account all the issues and limitations encountered in field research described in the existing literature, this study will make appropriate adjustments to the data collection process to obtain more accurate data.

For example, a study focusing on taxi drivers in a college town in the U.S. Midwest took into account various factors such as working hours, experience, age, educational attainment, and race. The researchers collected data through daily observations, interviews, and archival sources, and subsequently conducted preliminary frequency analyses. Ultimately, they examined this group’s attitudes toward social interaction and unionization within digital communities (Maffie, 2020). This approach, which combines field research and interviews to gather information, serves as one of the reference cases for this study; however, this study takes a cautious stance toward sampling methods that rely on the direct distribution of questionnaires.

It is worth noting that the Pew Research Center (2023) provided a critical summary of studies on the gig economy conducted in 2016 and 2021, offering valuable insights into this phenomenon in the United States. For example, they recommended using forced-choice questions that require respondents to provide a direct answer, rather than offering checklists. This approach yields more accurate and valuable information. Another lesson learned is that variations in question wording can make it difficult to compare results. Therefore, researchers should anticipate different response patterns and focus on trends rather than specific data points when formulating questions.

After careful consideration, given that gig work in artistic creation involves greater uncertainty and that it is difficult to elicit meaningful responses through multiple-choice formats, this study will not use questionnaires for data collection. Instead, this thesis will employ a combination of field research and anonymous semi-structured interviews. Additionally, the sample will be selected using a hybrid method combining stratified sampling and snowball sampling to comprehensively explore gig economy models among MAD creators. Regarding the field research, this study will deeply engage in the MAD production process to examine how MAD creatorsBilibiliThrough community interactions and the platform’s business model, we connected with a large number of new and established MAD creators, observed incidents within MAD communities, and attempted to use MAD production techniques to collect data of research value.

To clarify further, the objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive description of the gig economy phenomenon surrounding MAD creators and to understandBilibiliMAD-related business models on the platform, and provide a new perspective for research on “flexible employment” in China. After a period of fieldwork, the researchers concluded that the sampling process for semi-structured interviews must combine stratified sampling with snowball sampling, while ensuring anonymity during the interviews. A key reason for adopting this approach is that MAD creators specializing in video production typically have more extensive experience in gig work. Relying solely on random sampling would fail to fully capture their economic patterns. By sampling from different types of MAD creators and subsequently using snowball sampling to identify subsequent interviewees, potential biases can be minimized. Furthermore, due to privacy concerns and the nature of conducting online interviews with internet users, anonymity serves as a necessary safeguard and incentive, helping to elicit more information from respondents.

During their field research, the researchers actively participated in MAD creation, explored communication patterns and commercial channels within the platform’s MAD community, and engaged in extensive dialogue with a large number of MAD creators, both new and experienced. Throughout the process, they also observed MAD-related online events and their impact onBilibiliThe platform’s impact. Researchers sought business partnerships by applying MAD production techniques and, based on their firsthand experience, recorded valuable data with research potential.

2. Data Collection

This study ultimately completed 69 semi-structured interviews, two-thirds of which (46 interviews) were conducted via voice calls and subsequently transcribed by the researchers. In terms of duration, the voice interviews typically lasted between half an hour and one hour to comprehensively gather the necessary information. Due to certain unavoidable circumstances (scheduling conflicts) or at the strong request of the participants, one-third of the data was ultimately collected through open-ended questionnaires. In all 23 interviews that used open-ended questionnaires, participants explicitly confirmed prior to the interview that they were willing to answer the relevant questions as comprehensively as possible. A small number of respondents also indicated that they were willing to answer further questions from the researchers if necessary.

In the process of stratified sampling, this study found thatBilibiliMAD creators on the platform can be broadly divided into two categories. One category consists of MAD creators who cater entirely to the general public; their goal is to produce MAD videos with high view counts. The other category consists of creators who organize and participate in MAD competitions; their goal is to achieve better artistic expression and higher levels of video production skills. The latter is the focus of this study, as the gig economy phenomenon surrounding them is more complex and holds greater potential for development.

IV. Results

1. General Description of MAD Creators

This study conducted semi-structured interviews using a stratified sampling method. Therefore, in addition to interviewing some novice MAD creators, we also interviewed former MAD creators who are no longer active. ConsideringBilibiliHigh-quality MADs on the platform typically require two to three months of work, andBilibiliThere are only one or two high-level MAD competitions held each year; this study tends to view the submission of at least one work on Bilibili each year as an indication that a MAD creator is still active.

Excluding the four respondents who declined to disclose their personal information, the sample population was generally between the ages of 20 and 25, with the youngest being a high school student and the oldest over 30. Field research found that China’s youngest MAD creators are typically in their early middle school years, while the oldest are generally close to 30. FromBilibiliAmong the participants in the MAD competition, the two well-known MAD creators who are currently active are between the ages of 32 and 35. Overall, the age distribution of the respondents is consistent with broader observations.

Of the 69 respondents, 41 are still working on their next MAD, while 14 confirmed they will no longer create any MADs. The rest, although they stated they would no longer create MADs, are still willing to start a new MAD project if the opportunity arises. There are typically two reasons why MAD creators stop making MADs: a shift in interests and a lack of time. The most frequently cited reason in the interviews was that MAD creators had started working. Compared to the flexible schedules of college life, the daily demands of work have squeezed out what free time they once had. And in the limited free time they do have left, MAD creators tend to spend it on other leisure activities, such as playing video games, rather than continuing to devote mental energy to creative work. Over time, some even cut back on the time they spend watching anime and reading manga, leading to a shift in their interests and ultimately causing them to give up MAD creation.

However, even though most of the MAD creators interviewed answered directly when asked whether they were still producing new MADs, determining whether a MAD creator is active remains a complex matter. The main reason is that these answers largely reflect people’s current understanding of their own status. Some respondents have in fact all but stopped creating new MADs, but they still believe they are coming up with new ideas and therefore choose to consider themselves active MAD creators.

Interview Transcript：

“I’m still working on them, but I can’t keep up a steady pace of updates. When I’m feeling inspired, I’ll put one together quickly, but most of the time I’m not. So there are long gaps between the MADs I create—sometimes a few months, sometimes half a year.”(Interviewee No. 49)

“I’ve pretty much stopped doing it because I’m too busy with work—I’m a ‘lazy bum.’”(Interviewee No. 30)

According to the interview findings, MAD creation on the Bilibili platform reached its peak between 2012 and 2014. From 2015 to 2017, activity remained stable or declined slightly; subsequently, during Bilibili’s major commercialization reforms in 2018, certain MAD creators gained significant attention on the platform. Since then, the COVID-19 pandemic has also had an impact on the MAD community.

This study categorized the time when MAD creators first submitted their works to Bilibili based on the aforementioned time period. The results show that among currently active MAD creators, many began producing their first MAD works between 2018 and 2021. This trend is closely linked to Bilibili’s transition from an ACG platform to a comprehensive video platform, coinciding with a surge in ACG enthusiasts joining Bilibili to watch Japanese anime. At that time, MAD videos remained the mainstream content on Bilibili, thereby increasing their public exposure. Furthermore, the pandemic played a role as well; some people, seeking a hobby during lockdown, began exploring creative outlets such as producing their own MAD videos. Combined with their passion for ACG culture and the MAD videos recommended by the platform’s algorithm, these factors collectively contributed to the emergence of the current core group of MAD creators.

This study also found that the average active period for MAD creators in China is approximately three to five years. The specific times when MAD creators begin and end their creative activities are entirely random, and they typically come from diverse backgrounds, such as high school students, college students, and working professionals. Ultimately, MAD creators usually stop producing new MADs as their lives become busier. In the interviews conducted for this study, none of the 69 respondents explicitly stated that their personal lives affected the time they spent creating MADs; most agreed that creating MADs is purely a hobby that depends on whether they have free time.

A decline in MAD production typically occurs after three to five years, for several reasons. First, enthusiasm gradually wanes over time—some creators become dissatisfied with their work as their technical skills improve. Second, as creators’ technical skills improve, the production cycle for each MAD lengthens, often exceeding the time they can dedicate to it; some MAD creators are unwilling to compromise on the quality of their work. Third, some MAD creators have already explored all the creative ideas they wanted to pursue, leading to a lack of motivation to continue creating. Overall, this study identified a clear trend: Chinese MAD creators’ enthusiasm gradually declines after three to five years, and this decline accelerates over time. Consequently, the number of MAD creators who can sustain their work for more than six years is relatively small, and they often rely on favorable living conditions.

Another interesting phenomenon is that, within the MAD community, relatively few people have a formal art education or art-related work experience. Of the 69 respondents, excluding the 8 who declined to disclose their personal information, 50 had no artistic background whatsoever. Surprisingly, however, many respondents reported that creating MADs had improved their artistic skills, as evidenced by their subsequent responses. As a result, they went on to secure various freelance opportunities related to video production. Of these 69 respondents, 27 ultimately pursued careers in video production, while the remaining 32 had at least one part-time job in video production. This included five students who chose to major in a related field in college because of their MAD creations. This phenomenon demonstrates that animation creation plays a significant role in developing individual skills.

Among the 69 MAD creators surveyed, their fields of study ranged from mechanical engineering and civil engineering to chemistry and chemical engineering. Only a few majored in digital media in college; just one majored in screenwriting and directing, one was an art major, and one studied architecture. Some respondents stated:

“…I majored in architecture. I chose architecture so I could make videos. Then, during my freshman year, I took some major-specific courses, including drawing and color theory… It helped a little, but not much. At least the drawing and perspective skills were useful for my still-image MADs… I didn’t do well in color theory… I hardly learned anything during my undergraduate studies.”(Interviewee No. 43)

“…I used to study art at an art studio. To be honest, it didn’t help me much. Studying art just gave me some basic knowledge of aesthetics.”(Interviewee No. 61)

It is evident that MAD creators with an artistic background generally hold a conservative view, believing that their education has not been particularly helpful to their creative work.

2. MADs, AMVs, and Various Other Creative Formats

Compared to the MAD format documented by Koichi Nakagawa in 2008, creative videos based on Japanese ACG culture have become more diverse and vibrant today, thanks to improvements in hardware performance and advances in software technology. Therefore, in the following sections, this study will delve into current MAD production methods and analyze the various skills creators acquire through this process. Understanding the specific technical expertise involved in contemporary animation creation is crucial for explaining why this group of MAD creators is able to earn a sufficient freelance income and even transition into professional roles within the industry.

2.1. Anime Music Videos (AMV)

2.1.1. Anime Story Music Videos (ASMV)

Originating in Japan, “character story editing”—described by Koichi Nakagawa in 2008 as the most complex form of MAD—is the only form that has not become completely obsolete. It is now the easiest form of MAD to produce and has become the most common choice for beginners. For most beginner MAD creators, the idea to create usually comes when they are deeply moved by a commercial anime. To convey this emotion to others and encourage them to explore the anime as well, beginners often realize that the simplest way is to edit a trailer themselves—or even just a short video summarizing the entire series“ story. Such montages are commonly referred to as ”ASMVs (Anime Story Music Videos),” which involve selecting one or more songs and mixing them with character dialogue and scenes from the original work. In most cases, ASMVs use footage from a single anime, but sometimes creators may incorporate scenes from other anime to complete or enrich their story.

I remember that ASMVs started becoming more common around 2018. I think ASMVs have also learned from other countries, but with some localized adjustments. The earliest ASMVs were basically just compilations of the best parts from anime. So I didn’t really like them back then. Now, they’ve gradually incorporated film-like editing techniques… which are better than before.(Interviewee No. 4).

In terms of software skills, ASMV is the easiest to create because it involves only basic editing and no post-production. However, producing a good ASMV is extremely difficult, because—under the guidance of some creators—today’s ASMVs emphasize narrative coherence and emotional depth. In this process, creators must be able to control the video’s pacing, know how to select appropriate dialogue and shots, know how to pair songs with sound effects, and know how to set the video’s mood. Creators even need to have a basic understanding of how shots are staged on a real film set so they can visualize which shots are suitable, make the right choices, and ultimately achieve a level of quality where “the audience can’t tell it’s a re-enactment.”

2.1.2. Anime Compilation AMVs, Multi-Source AMVs

“Compilation Anime,” understood as “comprehensive remixed animation,” differs from ASMV in that it uses multiple animation clips to create an AMV. This is why MAD creators sometimes use the Chinese term "multi-clip" to describe it. In a "Compilation Anime" AMV, no single anime series takes center stage. In other words, viewers usually cannot clearly identify which character is the protagonist—this is the most distinctive feature of this genre.

MAD creators may construct a vague storyline in crossover anime AMVs, but the primary purpose of crossover anime AMVs is always to create a specific emotional atmosphere by using footage from multiple anime, or to provide viewers with a dazzling visual experience through the creator’s editing focus.

There are two basic types of anime AMVs. One involves selecting classic scenes and lines with similar emotional tones from well-known anime and simply remixing them with the music of your choice. The other approach is to select music with a strong beat and then pick all the fight scenes or highly dynamic shots from well-known anime, editing them to match the rhythm of the music. Both of these production methods require almost no thought when it comes to editing.

To create more advanced anime AMVs, creators must also understand the rhythm of the music and select appropriate footage from dozens or even hundreds of anime series. These clips must be carefully arranged to create a visually pleasing experience. At the same time, MADers need to possess color-correction skills to minimize the sense of “mismatch” between shots from different anime series. Only through careful coordination can they ensure that viewers enjoy a seamless viewing experience.

Anime music videos (AMVs) share similarities with today’s pop music videos. Both require editors to have a deep understanding of camera movement, character actions, and rhythm in order to infuse the visuals with tension and dynamism. Furthermore, AMVs even require editors to possess basic audio mixing skills, as the use of sound effects is inevitable. However, unlike pop music videos—which often feature extensive footage of the artist performing or dancing in a single location—anime AMVs require editors to manage a much larger volume of footage. Integrating such a vast amount of content into a coherent final product is undoubtedly challenging.

2.1.3. Other Types of AMVs

Traditionally, when MADers refer to AMVs that do not include ASMVs or compilation AMVs, they are talking about a style of music video that uses a single anime series as source material and is set to a specific song. Sometimes, single-source AMVs may include a storyline, but they typically do not contain dialogue. According to some MADers, the only difference between an ASMV and a single-source AMV is the presence or absence of character dialogue. Some MADers believe that AMVs focus more on editing animation to match a specific song, while ASMVs lean more toward selecting songs to build a story. Therefore, it is not uncommon for ASMVs to use multiple songs.

Among the various AMV genres in China, there is one important subgenre that has long been popular overseas, particularly in France, Spain, and Russia, where it is considered mainstream. This genre is simply referred to as “AMV” on YouTube, but in China it is known as “composite AMV.” The main difference between composite AMVs and ASMVs or “comic-style AMVs” lies in the work MADers do when creating them. In composite AMVs, creators are not merely editors; they must also possess the skills of post-production and visual effects artists. MADers who produce composited AMVs do not limit themselves to simple editing; they must also painstakingly extract character footage from the original animations frame by frame. This labor-intensive process enables them to achieve effects such as background replacement, dynamic text behind characters, motion graphics, various visual effects, and even the compositing of characters from different anime into the same scene. Some have even incorporated a pop art style into their MADs. These advanced techniques typically require professional software; Adobe After Effects is commonly used for “compositing” operations within project files. Consequently, in China, this category of AMV is referred to as “composite AMV.” Many Chinese MAD creators who specialize in AMVs—whether ASMVs or cross-anime works—strive to create composite AMVs to produce more spectacular MADs or improve their post-production skills.

In addition, synthetic AMVs can be further categorized into five genres. This classification originated in the West and is used to categorize and score AMV entries in MAD competitions organized by Western MADers. The five genres are: Action, Dance/Fun, Romance/Drama, Psyche, and Horror. Some Chinese MADers have adopted this classification system when organizing Chinese MAD competitions. These labels make it easy for viewers to understand the theme of an AMV. However, some outstanding works are difficult to categorize, often seamlessly blending multiple aspects. For example, an AMV might excel in both action and psychedelic elements, or evoke both narrative and horror-inspired emotions simultaneously. Interestingly, the difficulty in categorization usually arises with outstanding works. If talented creators inadvertently submit their works to the same category, the competition for rankings in that category becomes extremely fierce.

Overall, creating any type of anime music video requires a keen aesthetic sensibility. Creators must understand the rhythm and tempo of the music, as well as how to synchronize it with the selected animation clips. In terms of software complexity, ASMVs are generally considered the simplest, followed by compilation AMVs, and finally compositing AMVs. Traditional AMVs made solely from single-source footage through editing are now rare; most AMVs involve at least some degree of compositing. Producing ASMVs tends to require skills similar to those of a screenwriter or director, while compositing AMVs require an understanding of storyboarding, animation, graphic design, and visual effects. Additionally, since sound effects are often required, experienced AMV editors typically possess some audio mixing skills.

2.2. Static MAD, Manga Music Video (MMV)

Still MAD originated in Japan and, over the past decade, has gradually evolved from a relatively niche approach to MAD production in China into a mainstream method. The term “still” has the same meaning in both Japanese kanji and Chinese. In recent years, more than half of the widely recognized, high-quality MADs have been still MADs.

Unlike the AMVs mentioned earlier, which typically use existing commercial animations, some MAD creators find themselves in the following situation: They discover a Japanese manga (hereinafter referred to as “manga”) that they really love and want to create derivative works based on, but it does not have an animated adaptation. This is because in Japan’s ACG industry, most anime are not original works but adaptations of manga (many of which are themselves adaptations of Japanese light novels). Typically, only manga that are commercially successful are adapted into anime for further promotion. This commercial model of secondary use of intellectual property is very common in Japan (Hernández, 2018). Rather than waiting for these manga to gain commercial recognition and subsequently be adapted into anime, some Japanese MAD creators began exploring the possibility of transforming manga into video more than a decade ago. Thus, the earliest still-image MADs came into being.

Static MADs use characters directly from manga and animate them by moving them within the video’s timeframe. These videos are usually set to music and often include explanatory subtitles with animated text. Since the characters remain stationary compared to AMVs, this style is aptly called a “still” MAD, implying that it employs a static style or still images.

Static MAD represents the highest technical standard in MAD creation on Bilibili and even globally. This format originated in Japan, and a variant known as a promotional video (PV) is also widely used in South Korea. Through mutual influence between Japan and South Korea, still MAD and its various new approaches were introduced to China. For a long time—and even to this day—the production methods and aesthetic direction of Chinese still MAD have followed the practices of Japanese still MAD creators:

“My first exposure to MAD was from overseas... Some of their best works really blew me away the first time I saw them. There’s a Japanese MAD creator named totori... His style is truly beautiful. I prefer that fresh, clean style, so I started learning how to create in his style.”(Interviewee No. 16)

A notable phenomenon related to still MAD is that, much like the history of world painting, all major revolutionary advances or shifts in new directions in still MAD over the past decade have been driven by a small number of creators—or even a single creator—through their discovery of new technologies. For example, during the course of this study, nearly all interviewed still MAD creators emphasized the influence of Nanatsuki—a highly talented Japanese MAD creator—between 2020 and 2022. Nanatsuki’s work completely revolutionized the production style of still MAD and influenced global production trends. As a result, all new MAD creators today are studying his style or using some of the presets from his projects, as this has become standard practice since then.

2.2.1. Skills Required for Creating a Still-Image MAD

To create an excellent still MAD, the first step is to extract characters from the manga. In this process, MAD creators typically use Adobe Photoshop to crop the images. Although this type of MAD is still referred to as a “still” MAD, modern MAD creators strive to avoid scenes that are too static. In today’s still MADs, when cropping characters, creators extract not only facial features but also elements such as hair, clothing, and joints. All of these compositional elements, once placed on separate layers, can be animated. As a result, characters in today’s still MADs feature flowing hair, blinking eyes, and even clothing that moves with arm movements—all based on common manga source material.

However, this process isn’t as simple as it seems. When a MADer trims a character’s hair, the original head inevitably leaves a transparent area on the forehead, as this is an unavoidable consequence of removing a portion of a 2D illustration. This means that most still-image MAD creators possess the ability to observe a character’s structure and draw simple shapes to fill in the missing parts. Only by doing so can they make the character’s hair sway across a complete forehead, thereby animating the comic. Although they are not professional artists, they must do this. This technique is known as “puppetry.” It is similar to creating jointed puppets or traditional Chinese shadow puppetry, but MADers achieve the same effect digitally by working with comics on a computer.

However, a scene is not just about the characters’ movements; MAD creators also need to design backgrounds for these characters. For a long time, static MADs typically featured characters with simple, intuitive perspectives and composited them with real-world background photos. Especially following the work of Japanese MAD creator totori, static MADs have increasingly sought visually appealing lighting and shadow effects. By using various lighting and blur effects, combined with color adjustments, MAD creators make the characters appear to blend naturally into the background photos, rather than standing in front of a static backdrop with no sense of interaction.

But MADers aren’t satisfied with that—they strive for even more dramatic camera movements. As a result, many MAD creators today—especially those who create still-image MADs (though some composite AMVs also use 3D models as backgrounds)—have begun learning 3D modeling. Compared to two-dimensional photographs, custom-designed 3D models offer greater flexibility in matching the backgrounds of still-image MADs.

If we compare these techniques to those used in the Japanese animation industry, the still-image MAD creators capable of producing work at this level actually fulfill the roles of two distinct professions. One role is that of a traditional CG (computer-generated) artist, specializing in 3D modeling, which involves creating usable model assets; the other role is that of “animation cinematography” ([Jpn] 撮影 / [Chn] 动画摄影). In this role, the task is to use computer software to simulate realistic camera effects or create specific emotional atmospheres. Essentially, the process of combining character images with backgrounds through lighting and shadow compositing in still MAD production is almost identical to that in animation photography, with the only difference being that still MAD typically uses more dramatic lighting, shadows, and coloring to showcase the MAD creator’s artistic expression.

Another characteristic of still MADs is that they require creators to master an additional skill that video editors typically do not need. Since manga footage lacks spoken dialogue—much like manga itself—text is necessary to advance the plot in still MADs. However, placing text directly on the screen often disrupts the atmosphere of a scene that has already been established. Therefore, still MAD creators typically need to master text animation and graphic design skills. If you look closely at today’s high-quality still MADs, you’ll notice that their cover posters showcase excellent typography or graphic design.

Of course, much like ASMVs, the ultimate goal of still MADs is to tell a story. Therefore, still MAD creators must also focus on plot design to ensure that the story’s narrative arcs align with the music. Furthermore, since still MADs involve selecting characters and creating backgrounds, they offer greater creative freedom compared to AMV fan creations. Creators can choose the storyboards they want to use. From this perspective, still MADs ultimately require creators to possess certain directing skills. At the very least, compared to AMVs, still MADs require creators to design their own shots.

Interestingly, this led to an unexpected outcome. Many creators who initially produced ASMVs found that, as their skills improved, they were constrained by the source material. Since pure editing relies solely on animation clips—which have already been produced by animation studios—the adjustments creators can make are very limited. Some of the stories they wanted to tell couldn’t be realized due to a lack of relevant footage. Consequently, they shifted directly to creating still-image MADs. Still-image MADs allow creators to develop their own storyboards, as all they need to do is find suitable character images, while the backgrounds are entirely up to them. Therefore, even though some commercial IPs already have animated adaptations, these creators still tend to use manga for their derivative works.

2.2.2. Promotional Videos (PVs) and Handwritten Notes

By examining the skills possessed by still MAD creators, this study further describes two forms of video creation similar to still MAD: promotional videos (PVs) and hand-drawn animations. The production of both typically carries higher commercial value. Most production commissions available to MAD creators typically come from these two video formats. This will be discussed in detail later in this paper.

The first type, known as “PV,” stands for “Promotion Video.” However, unlike the traditional meaning of a promotional video in English, in this context, a PV should not be understood as an advertising video for an organization or brand. Instead, a PV here is more akin to a music video. The main difference is that these PVs are not produced using real-world footage. Sometimes, an independent musician—perhaps on platforms like Bilibili, YouTube, or Niconico—may want to release a cover or original song and create a music video for it. These music videos typically rely on the artist to draw the characters and incorporate post-production animation effects. In some cases, a “PV” can also serve as a promotional video for manga or ACG-style games, especially when referring to PVs produced by ACG game companies. PVs produced by ACG game companies are animated videos created to introduce their games, similar to a short, original animated trailer.

As can be clearly seen from the above description, the video production skills required to create still-image MADs can be applied to PV production. During field research, the researchers found that there is a significant overlap between the communities of PV creators and MAD creators. Most PV creators with basic skills do not venture into still MAD production, as it is relatively challenging for them. Conversely, however, many talented PV creators are also MAD creators.

There is another creative video format that has rapidly gained popularity in Bilibili’s animation section in recent years, known as “hand-drawn animation.” The term “shoushu” literally means “hand-drawn” in Chinese. It falls somewhere between dynamic comics and animation, sometimes serving as fan-created content related to ACG culture, and other times showcasing original characters and stories. Unlike traditional animation, shoushu does not involve meticulously animating every frame of a character’s movements; instead, each shot focuses on one or two key actions. Essentially, hand-drawn animation can be viewed as a type of static MAD, but unlike MADs that extract characters from manga, hand-drawn artists directly illustrate the characters used in post-production. Therefore, when it comes to hand-drawn animation, MAD creators are often the ones with the strongest post-production skills.

2.3. Other Types of MADs and AMVs

In addition to AMVs (Anime Music Videos) and static MADs (Manga Music Videos, MMVs), there are also GMVs (Game Music Videos). GMV is the only creative form that may not be related to ACG culture, as it depends on the source of the original footage used for creation. If the footage comes from Galgames within Japanese ACG culture, MAD creators typically use the still-image method to produce the video, and the final MAD will resemble a still-image MAD. If the source material is a montage of promotional videos from certain ACG games, it falls under the GMV category and is very similar to an AMV. However, if it consists of screen recordings from a realistic first-person shooter (FPS) game, it does not fall under the ACG category but is still classified as a GMV.

If a MAD creator combines AMV-style elements with still-image elements in their work, this type of MAD is called a “hybrid.” Additionally, if a MAD contains both manga and anime footage, it also falls under the “hybrid” category. Sometimes, MAD creators use the “hybrid” style to create videos that merge multiple anime series into a single story, altering the events of the original plot; such MADs can be referred to as “misinterpretation MADs.”

In addition to the MAD style mentioned above, there are some styles that are difficult to categorize. Categories not listed here include subtle variations related to specific atmospheres, which are not relevant to this study. There is also a style known as “IG style,” which refers to content created by individuals on the Instagram platform. In IG style, creators upload motion graphics videos (such as distorted squares or circles), occasionally incorporating ACG elements. These videos are typically no longer than one minute and lack narrative content. Although there are a large number of creators active on Instagram and TikTok producing IG-style MADs, it is nearly impossible to define IG style. Bilibili MAD creators generally dislike the IG style and even harbor hostility toward creators who produce it:

“First of all, I want to make it clear that I prefer to cut off all ties with creators who make IG-style MAD videos. Those people are always forming cliques, rushing into chat groups to attack others‘ work and put them down. They’re always saying things like, ’My special effects are awesome; I’m better than you.””(Interviewee No. 5)

Since IG-style content creation does not generate revenue in the same way as MAD videos, this style will be discussed separately in the subsequent section on the gig economy.

When it comes to distinctive creative styles, there is one unique genre worth mentioning, even though it doesn’t strictly represent an artistic style. This type of MAD is known as “dssq,” which stands for the Chinese phrase “Da Shi Suo Qu” (大势所趋), meaning “to go with the flow.” Specifically, on Bilibili, “dssq” refers to MAD videos created with the sole purpose of generating high view counts. These “dssq” MADs typically fall under the category of anime compilation AMVs, in which creators combine scenes from currently popular or classic anime in the simplest possible way. Their primary goal is not to produce a high-quality video, but to attract viewers“ clicks through clever use of thumbnails and titles. Consequently, this practice has had a serious negative impact on the MAD creation community. From the perspective of the gig economy explored in this study, the economic model associated with ”dssq” differs significantly from that of highly skilled MAD creators; this point will be discussed further in subsequent chapters.

3. Professional Video Production Skills and Learning Pathways

From the perspective of software usage, nearly all MAD creators are proficient in professional-grade software. According to data collected from the interviews, out of 69 respondents (excluding one who did not answer), only two did not explicitly mention using Adobe software; the remaining 66 MAD creators were proficient in either Adobe Premiere or Adobe After Effects. Most MAD creators are proficient in both programs, as Premiere offers distinct advantages in editing, while After Effects is the go-to post-production tool among nearly all professional video production software and is widely used in the production of films, television series, and animations.

Those who started creating AMVs before 2022 are also familiar with Adobe Audition, because before the widespread use of AI, MAD creators relied on Adobe Audition to manually extract clear dialogue from anime background music. Similarly, for creators of still-image MADs, Adobe Photoshop is an essential tool—it was practically the only way to extract images from anime scenes. These were all learning outcomes driven by practical needs.

In fact, even if some creators do not use Adobe software to produce MADs, they still need to rely on other professional tools. This is because only professional software can fine-tune every parameter to meet the demands of individual artistic expression. When it comes to post-production, aside from Adobe After Effects, there is currently no direct alternative worldwide. However, for video editing, some MAD creators choose to use DaVinci Resolve. These creators typically focus on editing and do not require extensive post-production features, so they may overlook the convenient integration between Adobe Premiere and After Effects. Furthermore, some users—particularly those using Apple products—prefer Final Cut Pro because it is specifically designed for video production. In today’s media companies, it is also common practice to use DaVinci Resolve and Final Cut Pro for color grading and editing, though this is less common in the ACG industry.

The software learning path for MAD creators typically follows a progression from simple to complex. The key difference lies in the starting point: some MAD creators begin with mobile devices or low-performance computers, so their first exposure is to easy-to-use editing software such as “Corel VideoStudio” or “iCut.” However, more than half of MAD creators begin their learning journey directly with Adobe software, and many consider Adobe Premiere to be their first true editing tool. In early 2014, some creators used Sony Vegas, which was regarded as professional editing software at the time.

Building on this, MAD creators—especially those producing high-quality MADs—gradually began exploring 3D software. Among the 69 respondents, 30 explicitly confirmed that they had learned at least one 3D modeling program. An interesting detail is that 3D modeling began to gain attention around 2017. Between 2018 and 2020, most creators learned CINEMA 4D. However, after 2020, even creators who had previously used CINEMA 4D began shifting their focus to Blender. To date, among the 30 respondents who have learned at least one 3D modeling software, 28 have learned Blender, and 15 of them have learned only Blender. There are likely two reasons for this shift: First, Blender is better suited for creating ACG-style textures; second, Blender’s open-source nature has spurred the development of user-friendly plugins. A small number of MAD creators have also learned 3D modeling software such as Houdini in pursuit of more advanced effects. A very small number of creators have delved into more complex “puppet” animation, learning tools such as Live2D Cubism and Spine.

So, how do MAD creators acquire these professional video production skills? This study found that three pathways are particularly crucial: i) self-study, ii) consulting online tutorials, and iii) seeking advice from friends who are MAD creators. Based on data from 69 interviews (excluding six respondents who declined to answer), 26 people relied entirely on online tutorials, 12 relied entirely on self-study, and 1 relied entirely on seeking advice from others. Among the remaining participants, 15 combined tutorials with self-study, 5 combined tutorials with seeking advice from others, 2 combined self-study with seeking advice from others without consulting tutorials, and the final 2 used all three methods.

From interviews with MAD creators from Taiwan and YouTube and Twitter users who frequently view MAD-related content, some noteworthy details have emerged. They generally find Bilibili’s search engine to be precise and user-friendly, making it easy to find tutorials on Adobe After Effects. However, when it comes to Blender tutorials, YouTube offers more comprehensive resources. Furthermore, Bilibili’s tutorials often cover the basics of software operation, so many MAD creators start their video production journey here. Only after gradually understanding the underlying logic do they seek out tutorials for more specific effects. It is worth noting that learning 3D software differs significantly from learning After Effects. Each 3D software program has its own unique logic, and due to the relatively small user base, comprehensive introductory tutorials for these programs are scarce on Bilibili and YouTube. As a result, some MAD creators turn to online courses to effectively learn 3D software:

At first, there were no tutorial resources available on Bilibili, so I learned the basics of CINEMA 4D and After Effects from “51 Self-Study Network.” Later, I had the opportunity to access some comprehensive tutorial websites. I found the paid tutorials from overseas on these sites to be very helpful, including software courses and various theoretical lectures. All the 80% tutorials I’ve learned came from these sources. It’s hard to find this kind of tutorial on Bilibili, where tutorials are typically shorter.(Interviewee No. 7)

However, it is worth noting that the vast majority of MAD creators use pirated versions of Adobe software. Due to the high cost of genuine professional software, creators typically use pirated versions for video production. It is currently impossible to conclude whether pirated software will become a problem in the long term.

4. Part-time Jobs, Career Prospects, and Financial Support Related to MAD

The most notable finding from this research and interviews on MAD is the complexity of the part-time work phenomenon associated with MAD. This phenomenon extends beyond how MAD creators secure freelance projects or whether they can pursue career advancement. As a unique art form, MAD—with its rich expressive capabilities—has surprisingly generated commercial value from multiple unexpected angles, even though certain aspects still appear to be in their infancy. It is worth noting that the “gig economy” within the MAD industry differs significantly from other forms of gig work, such as ride-sharing or food delivery. Although risks lurk within the industry, this study concludes that immense potential still lies in the creative space inherent in its diversity.

Based on data from 69 interviews and field research, the researchers found that there are five ways in which MAD producers can make money:

A) Profits derived solely from MAD:

• Video Creation Incentive Fund on the Bilibili Platform
• Prize Money for the MAD Competition
• Video Production Commission for a Specific MAD

B) Profits from video production commissions

C) Profits from other MAD creators

D) Income from a business venture

E) Income from a Career in Video Production

Since most respondents indicated that confidentiality agreements apply to a certain extent regarding the subject of relevant business partnerships, the names of companies and individuals mentioned by the respondents will be anonymized in the following text, and only general levels of income will be described.

First is the content creation incentive. According to MAD producers interviewed, the Bilibili platform launched a “Video Creation Incentive” feature around 2017, aimed at encouraging video uploaders to submit more high-quality videos. Video uploaders need to upload a sufficient number of videos, and these videos must perform well in terms of metrics such as watch time, likes, and comments in order to accumulate a specific score. This score is calculated using a proprietary algorithm, and the creator incentive is only activated once the score reaches a set threshold. From the moment the incentive is activated, a certain percentage of the video’s view count is converted into cash and transferred to the creator’s Bilibili account, from which it can be withdrawn to a bank card.

Around 2018, a certain MAD video surpassed 50 million views, and its creator received over 100,000 yuan in creative incentives. For MAD creators producing derivative works, this is actually an extraordinarily high income.(Interviewee No. 16)

When Bilibili’s creator incentive program was at its peak, a video with approximately 10,000 views might have earned a reward of 30 yuan. However, in 2022, this reward was significantly reduced, and Bilibili has not provided a clear official explanation. The MAD creators interviewed generally stated that, especially since 2022, they no longer pay attention to the creator incentive program. Since most respondents’ videos typically receive between 2,000 and 100,000 views—or even fewer—this income has dropped to less than 100 yuan per MAD, and in some cases, even below 10 yuan. Considering that most creators spend about two to three months producing a single MAD, this income appears even more meager. Even MAD creators with large followings have been affected:

I’ve had discussions about commercial collaborations with some major accounts that have hundreds of thousands of followers. Even though these MAD creators have such a large subscriber base, the income they generate from MADs is likely less than 30,000 yuan per year at present. It’s currently impossible to rely on MADs as a primary source of income. Furthermore, the commercialization of MADs is extremely poor.(Interviewee No. 27)

In fact, most MAD creators believe that the introduction of the creation incentive program has had a serious negative impact on the development of MADs. The reason is that, in practice, the incentive program has actually encouraged the production of low-quality works. Since the audience for MADs is largely the same—typically the general public already interested in ACG culture—Bilibili’s algorithm primarily recommends MADs to these viewers. A high-quality MAD typically features emotional highs and lows, and the story needs to be told from the beginning. Therefore, a good MAD usually requires viewers to watch patiently in order to gradually feel the video building toward its climax. However, on social media platforms, most viewers lack the patience to wait—especially since the source material for most MADs may be unfamiliar to them. If a MAD piles on the most recognizable characters and the most famous anime right from the start, it is more likely to attract viewers and keep them watching. Ultimately, low-quality and formulaic MADs are more likely to garner higher view counts, thereby generating more revenue through creator incentives—which in turn encourages more people to produce such MADs. As mentioned earlier, this trend is known as the “dssq” phenomenon:

Ever since Bilibili introduced its creator incentive program, the so-called “dssq” phenomenon has emerged, which has had a negative impact on MAD videos. More and more people have started looking for ways to make their first money on Bilibili. I understand this, but I wouldn’t say it’s wrong… Then the situation changed. After this period, people began to refocus on learning techniques, improving their skills, and thinking about their future career prospects.(Interviewee No. 2)

In addition to the creator incentives offered by the Bilibili platform, Bilibili has drawn on international experience since its inception, and Chinese MAD creators have also organized MAD contests on the platform. These contests are typically set for a date in the near future, and participants are required to submit their completed videos within a specified timeframe. Contest organizers also try to raise funds, or the creators organizing the MAD contests pay the prize money to the winners (the latter being the most common practice). Most of the sponsors are generous MAD creators themselves. Although the prize amounts are modest, since these competitions offer an opportunity to showcase their work, most MAD creators are willing to participate and earn a prize along the way. In turn, these prize funds encourage MAD creators to experiment with creating new MADs:

……Anyway, the prize money for that tournament was very high. I ended up coming in seventh and winning 1,000 yuan. To be honest, my only reason for entering the tournament was the money… In the end, the quality of the MADs throughout the entire tournament was very high.(Interviewee No. 56)

Behind MAD’s limited revenue lie the copyright issues it has encountered in the course of its commercialization. This problem exists not only in China but also in Japan. Japanese ACG websites such as Niconico and YouTube have played a major role in promoting anime, manga, and related merchandise; however, these derivative works can essentially be viewed as copyright infringements against the original works. Consequently, there is considerable controversy within the Japanese animation industry regarding whether MAD works should be cracked down on (Hernández, 2018). This is a symbiotic yet conflicting situation involving legal issues, and the fact that MAD—as a form of user-generated content—economically boosts sales of the original works further complicates the matter.

However, remaining in a gray area means that MADs won’t be eliminated by bans anytime soon. Furthermore, MAD creators with large subscriber bases can still ensure their videos have a steady audience. This creates an opportunity for certain products to exploit loopholes. Some games—whether ACG-style or non-ACG-style—are seeking out MAD creators to produce GMV (game videos). These commissions are mostly awarded to “dssq” MAD creators who have higher view counts and are more attractive for advertising. At the same time, multi-channel network (MCN) companies acting as agent for content creators also seek out MAD creators with large followings:

Once we reached around 20,000 to 30,000 subscribers, MCNs started taking notice of us, and that’s when we started getting work. About 80% of the work involves music promotion, while the rest is gaming-related—usually for the hottest games at the time. They want you to edit an AMV using their songs and then post it on your own account. With my current number of followers on Bilibili, people usually reach out to me directly, offering around 2,000 yuan for editing and promotion.(Interviewee No. 10)

Although some games occasionally seek out skilled MAD creators with excellent production techniques, the amounts they pay are often higher than those offered by “dssq”:

Some mobile game developers, at certain key moments, provide funding to fan creators to produce derivative works based on their products. If it’s a MAD video, I usually post it on my own account. The videos I post on my own account are typically free; I have the freedom to create whatever I want, express the content I desire, and I’m rarely interfered with. Actually, I previously created a fan video based on that game—it was entirely my own idea, so I released it for free—and it ended up getting about 100,000 views. The game’s developer saw it, and I think that’s why they reached out to me. For MAD videos like that, they ended up paying several thousand yuan per minute—or even more.(Interviewee No. 46)

Conversely, MAD creators need to demonstrate strong viewership metrics to negotiate higher rates with advertisers:

Actually, I often have to delete my AMVs and re-upload them. As long as an AMV doesn’t get enough views, I have to delete it. I either wait a while before reposting it or just don’t post it at all. That’s because advertisers—whether they’re promoting games or music—don’t just look at how many followers you have; more importantly, they look at how many views your previous videos have garnered, and that determines their offer. Only videos with strong metrics can earn more money.(Interviewee No. 68)

Nowadays, the vast majority of MAD creators—including those who are talented or highly skilled—are striving to get their videos to exceed 100,000 views, even though high-quality MAD works are often shared within the MAD community. Fortunately, thanks to the high technical skills of MAD creators, the two types of videos mentioned earlier—PVs and surgery videos—often involve MAD creators in the post-production process. This has become the primary source of income for the vast majority of MAD creators. The problem, however, is that these post-production tasks cannot be handled by MAD creators who produce only AMVs—particularly those who create ASMVs and anime compilations.

PV commissions typically come from individuals who wish to produce music videos for their songs. These songs can be original compositions or cover versions. According to the interviewees“ descriptions and the researchers” observations, most people who create music videos on Bilibili appear in their videos. Those who do not appear on camera usually have sufficient financial resources and want a high-quality PV. The group that meets both of these criteria is commonly referred to as “Vtubers.” The term “Vtuber” originates from YouTube and refers to people who choose to present themselves online through a virtual avatar. “Vtuber” stands for “Virtual YouTuber.” Bilibili also has a large number of Vtubers, many of whom are live streamers. By accepting donations from fans during live streams, Vtubers can earn substantial income and are willing to invest this money in the production of high-quality PVs. This is because releasing a well-produced music video helps them attract more viewers in the long run. For MAD creators, this can also generate substantial income:

Usually, when I take on a commission, I feel that… for a well-produced piece, I can earn 500 to 600 yuan per minute in PV production fees.(Interviewee No. 32)

The commissioning of surgical videos involves a complex value chain. However, when tracing the source back to its origin, researchers found that nearly all such projects were initiated by well-known Chinese ACG game companies. Other game companies and industry giants, such as Tencent and NetEase, have also adopted similar models on Bilibili, though typically on a smaller scale. The marketing departments of game companies set promotional goals for their games and allocate funds accordingly. Most of their budget is then directed to Bilibili, with the platform asked to encourage users to upload game-related videos. Videos with high view counts may even receive additional cash rewards. At the same time, another portion of the budget is allocated to Bilibili creators who have large followings and specialize in producing ACG content. These target uploaders typically have large followings and are required to create hand-drawn videos related to the games. However, during peak demand periods, even these uploaders—who have their own teams—struggle to handle the massive workload. As a result, some production tasks are outsourced to smaller video studios. If the workload still overwhelms these small studios, their members may reach out to friends to collaborate on completing the commissions. Throughout this process—whether it involves producing high-quality game fan videos, the teams of major uploaders, video production studios, or the friends of studio members—the vast majority of contributors are MAD creators, who likely account for over 90% of the total workload. (Respondents No. 2, 5, 8, 11, 16, 27, 31, 35, 37, 41, 46, 53, 57, etc.)

Whether it’s PV commissions or hand-drawn commissions, they have become essential ways for MAD creators to participate in the gig economy and earn a substantial income. Some believe that this income exceeds what they earn from full-time jobs, while others feel that the income levels are not quite that high. Overall, MAD creators typically price video commissions based on a per-minute rate. As video quality requirements increase, prices rise accordingly. Additionally, shorter deadlines command higher rates:

Sometimes, in about ten hours of work, I can earn… 1,000 to 2,000 yuan, so my profits are quite substantial.(Interviewee No. 3)

Comparing a full-time job to taking on full-time freelance projects… Freelancing offers relatively more flexibility in managing your personal time and is less intense, though it pays relatively less. On the other hand, video design work at an internet company is extremely stressful—it practically drains you of all your energy. Therefore, taking on full-time freelance projects is like putting in 80% of effort to earn only 60% to 70% of a full-time job’s income.(Interviewee No. 56)

Earning money through private commissions is definitely more lucrative than a regular full-time job, but it can’t last very long. As for the exact amount, I’m not at liberty to disclose that at this time.(Interviewee No. 54)

Most MAD creators earn between 2,000 and 10,000 yuan per month through these commissions. Some deliberately limit their workload, which results in lower earnings. Earning 10,000 yuan a month means spending almost the entire month working on video production.

More importantly, to explore the potential of AMV creators in the gig economy, the researchers reached out to several content creators on Bilibili who upload educational videos, posing as part-time video editors and asking if they needed part-time video editors. The selected Bilibili accounts all had over one million followers. Surprisingly, some creators did not even have their own video production teams. Among those creators interested in hiring part-time editors, most were unaware of the standard market rates for video editing services. After negotiations, these knowledge-sharing creators were typically willing to pay between 500 and 1,000 yuan to produce a video with an average length of 20 minutes. Compared to AMVs, the content they require is relatively simple, involving only cutting out mistakes from the original footage and adding subtitles. Drawing on the skills learned from producing AMVs, the researchers successfully completed this part-time work, demonstrating that AMV and MAD creators also have opportunities to engage in this type of work.

MAD creators can also earn income from other MAD creators. In fact, the MAD community has long maintained a culture of sharing without financial compensation. However, in some cases, creators of highly polished MADs choose to sell their project files. The reason behind this decision is that high-quality, polished MADs often involve complex software operations and reflect the creator’s unique style. Analyzing project files can help other MAD creators understand how highly skilled creators produce their videos, making these files valuable resources for learning and improvement. According to respondents No. 15 and No. 69, they have each earned over 10,000 yuan by selling project files or related tutorials.

According to statements from respondents No. 48 and No. 15, IG-style MAD creators on TikTok in China have another way to generate income: mentoring. Some MAD creators charge a fee—typically ranging from tens to hundreds of yuan—to mentor their followers in video production. Similarly, some TikTok creators set up paid group chats for discussions on video production. So far, this practice has not become widespread on the Bilibili platform.

Another interesting source of income for MAD creators is related to anime compilation AMVs, particularly dssq AMVs. As mentioned earlier, this type of AMV requires a diverse range of scenes from many different anime series, and collecting all the material oneself is generally considered a massive undertaking. Therefore, some MAD creators sell their own clip collections (curated footage) online for purchase by other MAD creators who are unwilling to do this work themselves. In particular, since many dssq MAD creators produce MADs primarily for ad revenue or platform incentives, it makes sense for them to use the simplest or least time-consuming methods to create their videos. However, this commercial practice has also contributed to a decline in the overall quality of dssq MADs, as many creators purchase similar clip collections.

As MAD creators received an increasing number of production requests, some began to consider starting their own businesses. Interestingly, as early as around 2014, a Bilibili editor quit his job to form a video studio composed of MAD creators and established a company. Since then, new video production companies have emerged almost every year. As mentioned in the section on hand-drawn animation, these small video studios were all founded by MAD creators. These companies typically have “Ying-hua (映画, Japanese for ‘movie’)” in their names. Even as of 2023, many MAD creators continue to establish new video studios; some have incorporated their ventures, while others remain independent. Among the interviewees, several are founders of video studios, each of which employs an average of more than 50 MAD creators. However, in the early stages, revenue remains relatively limited:

“This studio was founded in August 2023. Our monthly cash flow is around several ten thousand yuan. In some months, when demand from advertisers is low, revenue isn’t great, and… it’s been quite volatile over the past few months.”(Interviewee No. 8)

“People in this industry… maybe they start out with small commissions? Maybe a short promotional video for a few hundred yuan, but the more you do, the more experience you gain, and the more you earn. You can also choose to start your own business and take on high-value projects worth four or five figures.”(Interviewee No. 11)

Furthermore, it is entirely possible for amateur MAD creators to transition into freelance work producing PVs and hand-drawn animations, and eventually become professional video designers in the ACG industry. The respondents“ own experiences, as well as the stories they’ve shared with friends, consistently demonstrate the feasibility of this transition. Most MAD creators—especially those with advanced technical skills and higher career aspirations—tend to choose to join ACG game companies. These companies typically require high-quality promotional content and need a creative team proficient in both 2D and 3D animation. Their task is to produce eye-catching promotional videos for key milestones in game development. Although these videos are still referred to as ”PVs,” they are, in fact, short original animated films.

Even if working directly for an ACG game company isn’t feasible, there are many established “animation” companies in the market that specialize in handling outsourced work from these game companies. Many of these outsourcing companies were founded by former MAD creators or are led by art directors and video production teams who were once MAD creators themselves. These companies actively hire highly skilled MAD creators to work on their projects. One reason they seek to recruit MAD creators is that China’s current art schools do not train talent in this field:

“Around 2020, many MAD creators were actually unsure about what the future held. Those who transitioned into professional promotional video production were precisely the people who had been active in the MAD community at the time. That period coincided with the rise of short-form video social media and the expansion of the ACG and gaming markets. The overall economic environment showed significant growth. At the same time, China faced a severe shortage of professionals skilled in ACG-style video production. Unlike Japan and South Korea, which offer majors such as ‘Video Design,” Chinese universities lacked comprehensive curricula specifically designed for artists needed in the ACG and gaming industries. As a result, careers in video post-production within the ACG sector actively sought out technical talent like MAD creators, offering better salaries and benefits.”(Interviewee No. 16)

According to the interviews, transitioning to a career as a professional video designer is not something most people with strong educational backgrounds consider. For example, Respondent No. 3, a dentist, explicitly stated that he would not give up his secure job to pursue video production full-time. However, for most MAD creators with limited educational backgrounds (such as a community college degree) or degrees in fields with challenging job prospects (such as civil engineering), video production positions hold great appeal. MAD creators currently working in video production generally report that their incomes are significantly higher than those of their peers from undergraduate programs or their original career paths:

“Compared to my classmates from my previous major… if we’re talking about income, my current job probably pays more than twice as much as theirs.”(Interviewee No. 31)

“As for video production positions at ACG game companies, the average monthly salary in some remote cities exceeds 10,000 yuan, while in more developed cities it’s around 20,000 yuan. This is much higher than what my classmates earn, since they work in traditional industries. My undergraduate classmates were making about 5,000 yuan a month when they graduated, while I was earning at least 10,000 yuan at that time.”(Interviewee No. 11)

However, there are also some cautions regarding entering the gaming industry:

“If a MAD creator isn’t skilled enough to become a video designer but still wants to enter the ACG and gaming industry, it depends on whether they’re willing to take on entry-level positions. They can start in advertising or marketing, or join an outsourcing company.”(Interviewee No. 18)

“But in terms of my career span, it will definitely be shorter than that of my former classmates, because video post-production work isn’t something you can do until you’re in your 40s or 50s. I currently estimate that I’ll be able to do this until I’m 35 at the latest.”(Interviewee No. 31)

“The gaming industry has certainly brought benefits to this position, but as the barriers to entry continue to drop, more and more people will inevitably be weeded out of the industry. Personally, I don’t think this is suitable for long-term career development.”(Interviewee No. 54)

“The best days are indeed behind us. If, four years ago—around 2020—I had decided to skip college and join that company right away, my income by now would likely be quite substantial… Back then, even for a position as basic as video editing, there was a chance to get hired there… No one could have foreseen how rapidly it would grow in recent years. Now, it’s clearly much harder to get into these companies, and the skill requirements have also risen significantly.”(Interviewee No. 69)

Some respondents discussed alternative career paths. Respondent No. 63 mentioned that he had previously worked at a company that produced promotional videos for various state-owned enterprises. He emphasized that, aside from the ACG industry, there are abundant video production opportunities across all sectors of society. Many industries are embracing new media, leading to high demand for video-related positions. Although the pay for these positions may not be particularly high, opportunities are available for internships, part-time, and full-time roles. Even for MAD creators of average skill level, these positions are well within their capabilities. Additionally, one respondent (number withheld) previously worked at a company that produces the most short-form video ads globally. Although the quality of their ads wasn’t top-tier, the company prioritized high output, producing a large volume of short, standardized ad videos for widespread client promotion. This interviewee noted that MAD creators possess technical advantages that allow them to earn approximately 10% more than recent graduates in similar roles.

However, transitioning to the traditional film and television industry poses even greater challenges for MAD creators. Respondent No. 55 described the TVC (television commercial) industry’s attitude toward MAD creators:

“The most obvious problem is that when you want to join a mainstream advertising agency and are looking for interview opportunities—and submit your portfolio—everyone else’s portfolio consists of edited footage from real-life footage, while yours consists of animated footage. Although the conceptual framework for editing may be similar, the HR department might be concerned that you lack experience editing real-life footage, which could be seen as a riskier choice than others. ”(Interviewee No. 55)

Of course, there are exceptions. Interviewee No. 59 shared his experience: After graduating from college, he learned video editing through AMVs, and over the course of six to seven years, he successfully transitioned from a complete beginner to a commercial film editor in China. According to this interviewee, with sufficiently high editing skills and the right opportunities, it is indeed possible to become a professional editor.

It is worth noting that one interviewee (whose identity is being withheld) mentioned that, due to the saturation of MAD creators in related industries, certain aspects of the MAD community could potentially affect employment opportunities. Since many top MAD creators know each other, if a MAD creator gets into a conflict with a well-known peer, it could lead to social ostracism from the entire MAD community. One MAD creator once encountered this situation. When he was looking for a video production job in the relevant industry, a company’s HR team discovered that the applicant was a MAD creator. They directly asked a friend of theirs—who is also an active MAD creator—for their opinion on the applicant. Since other MAD creators held a negative view of the applicant, the company decided to reject him at the resume screening stage.

Interestingly, among these interviewees—who included two MAD creators from Taiwan—some mentioned that many people contact them through Bilibili, hoping they will accept collaboration requests. For them, this phenomenon is uncommon on platforms like YouTube or Twitter, even though many MAD creators from countries such as Japan, South Korea, France, and Russia also gather on these platforms. One MAD creator declined all commercial collaboration requests because they could not receive payments in RMB, and transferring money from mainland China to Taiwan is extremely difficult. However, another MAD creator borrowed a relative’s Alipay account and successfully received the payment.

To summarize briefly, the gig economy centered around MAD is significantly more diverse than typical gig work models such as ride-hailing and food delivery. Its core lies in the rich artistic expression of MAD. However, from an economic perspective, the MAD gig economy also carries risks. First, legal issues surrounding derivative works could lead to the entire MAD community being banned. Second, the income of most MAD creators is closely tied to the ACG industry—and in some cases, entirely dependent on a handful of major ACG game companies. Currently, the ACG gaming market continues to grow, but if the industry were to experience a downturn, it remains an open question whether MAD creators and their livelihoods could survive.

5. Platforms, New Technologies, and the Sustainability of the MAD Community

5.1. Bilibili’s Role in the Development of MADs

Of the 69 respondents, 40 expressed a positive view of Bilibili’s role, while 20 remained neutral or declined to answer. Only 9 held an opposing view. The most common view was that Bilibili is the only platform in China that brings together all MAD creators. On this platform, MAD creators can spend extended periods creating, discussing, and expressing themselves artistically.

Existing literature suggests that the emergence of video platforms has also brought about a side effect: the formation of creative sharing communities. In addition to creators who provide content and appreciate each other’s work, there are two distinct types of audiences: commenters who browse content for entertainment and potential new creators who learn from these works (Qiyang and Jung, 2019). Qiyang and Jung (2019) found that short-form video and social media platforms hold tremendous potential for collaborative learning of creative skills, observing that some novices did indeed make technical progress. This is consistent with the MAD scene on Bilibili.

Going a step further, let’s compare the MAD creation environments on two different Chinese platforms—Bilibili and the larger Douyin (the Chinese version of TikTok): According to respondents No. 15 and No. 48, more than half of MAD creators on Douyin have been subjected to verbal abuse. Some MAD creators set up group chats (usually on QQ) and add MAD creators they dislike to these groups, where they collectively insult them. This type of cyberbullying is very common in Douyin’s MAD community. In addition, the phenomenon of “exposing personal information” is also very serious. This behavior involves certain MAD creators revealing the victim’s real name, ID number, home address, and even their parents’ personal information and workplaces in the comments section of the victim’s videos. Of course, this personal information is obtained through illegal means. As a result, nearly all of the friendly and talented MAD creators on Douyin have migrated to Bilibili.

The description provided by Respondent No. 32 points out that there are significant differences between YouTube and Bilibili. YouTube lacks effective communication channels for creators and has limited social features. As a result, MAD creators often have to rely on other chat platforms to communicate. In contrast, connecting with new MAD creators on Bilibili is very straightforward. Furthermore, YouTube’s algorithm for recommending MAD content may have a negative impact on creators’ motivation:

“YouTube’s recommendation algorithm is very ‘abstract’ and relies entirely on its AI. It actually has very little to do with who subscribes to your videos. If the AI determines that your video is high-quality, it will recommend it to others… On YouTube, video view counts are highly unpredictable—it’s all down to luck.”(Interviewee No. 32)

In fact, it is precisely the social nature of the Bilibili platform that ensures low communication costs for MAD creators participating in the gig economy. Since MAD creators can easily connect with other MAD creators they don’t know through Bilibili, the cost of getting to know one another is greatly reduced, allowing all MAD creators to truly form a community. Even among MAD creators who are technically oriented and do not prefer the “dssq” style, there are still many mutual acquaintances. By asking MAD creators you know, it’s very easy to find another MAD creator you don’t know. Furthermore, whether they are employees of game companies, other types of creators, or representatives of various organizations, they can contact MAD creators directly through Bilibili. These factors ensure that MAD creators can engage more deeply in the emerging gig economy. Bilibili itself also has an integrated business section where users can post and receive requests.

5.2. MAD Competitions and Teams: The Core of MAD’s Sustainability

From today’s perspective, the existence and long-term development of the MAD community are not primarily determined by commercialization, but rather by the strong vitality that has naturally emerged from within it. To this day, the MAD community remains an enthusiast-driven community; as long as there are fans of ACG culture in China, it will continue to attract new creators. This influx of creators has been historically proven. Although veteran MAD creators often refer to the “golden age” of MAD on Bilibili between 2012 and 2014, they also acknowledge that over the past decade, the total number of MAD creators has increased significantly, and their technical skills have markedly improved. Behind this growth, MAD competitions and organizations have played a crucial role in ensuring the continuity and development of the entire community.

Over the past decade, a large number of MAD organizations have emerged within the MAD community, primarily falling into three categories: teams, clubs, and studios. By convention, a MAD creator can be a member of only one team at a time. Consequently, the exclusivity of teams means that MAD creators typically take pride in the overall skill level of their team. At the same time, the vast majority of MAD competitions rely on the existence of teams. Typically, each team acts as an organizer, hosting MAD contests at regular intervals. These contests often serve as a barometer of the team members’ skill level, as members tend to submit their MAD works to their own contests. New MAD creators usually hope to join a specific team through these contests, thereby creating a virtuous cycle between teams and MAD contests. Although there are now competitions hosted by clubs and studios, they are usually small in scale. As one experienced organizer put it:

“In fact, many organizations don’t know how to organize competitions… This is evident in the fact that the vast majority of competitions are not held a second year, or that the first edition of a competition receives no MAD entries at all… However, for large-scale competitions such as Initial Mad Team and ‘Fenghua Hui Zhan’ (a competition organized by Initial Mad Team), members contribute a certain number of high-quality MAD entries, thereby ensuring that the competition maintains a high standard year after year. Moreover, these high-caliber competitions attract more talented newcomers to join IMT.”(Interviewee No. 17)

When asked about the current state of the MAD community, 41 out of 69 respondents were neutral or chose not to answer, while 16 of the remaining respondents expressed a positive attitude, and only 12 explicitly stated that they were dissatisfied with the current state of the MAD community. Regarding the future of MAD in China, 18 out of 69 respondents were optimistic, while 11 believed the situation was deteriorating. However, 13 felt there were two sides to the issue: while some MAD creators are making progress, the community as a whole may still be in a slump.

Most negative views center on the artistic expression—namely, that today’s MAD works are becoming increasingly homogeneous, and that contemporary MAD creators prioritize video presentation and visual effects over artistic content. Of course, there is also the issue of failed commercialization. On the other hand, those with positive views believe that Chinese MAD creators have found their own path and, in some respects, have caught up with the world’s top creators. Both perspectives have their merits, and only time will tell which is correct. As Respondent No. 17 put it:

“To be honest, the MAD community is the biggest reason MAD still exists. The original MAD community was divided into different tiers… ranging from those with a pure interest to more professional creators, and the threshold for entering each tier was essentially tied to the quality of one’s work… This gradually evolved into an elite group. The future of MAD is thriving—I truly believe this, because I’m aware of some adjustments to Bilibili’s development direction. We’re currently in a period of economic downturn, the gray areas surrounding copyright have become less restrictive, and Bilibili’s business model has also become more refined.”(Interviewee No. 17)

5.3. New Technologies

This study also examines MAD creators’ attitudes toward artificial intelligence (AI). Over time, MAD creation has evolved in tandem with advances in video production technology. However, AI may have a potentially disruptive impact on the creative process.

Of the 69 respondents, 28 believed that AI would bring benefits in the long term, while 26 believed that AI has a positive impact on creativity. In 2024, AI has already improved the efficiency of MAD creators by assisting with image and audio processing, yielding better results than before. At the same time, in the short term, AI still cannot completely replace human involvement in specific video production tasks. However, AI has indeed prompted many MAD creators to consider more creative possibilities when remaking their works. Overall, attitudes remain positive.

Interestingly, four respondents firmly believed that AI is not a positive development, and seven respondents held a fairly negative view of AI’s impact on creativity. Their reasoning is that the simplification of the production process has enabled more creators to achieve effects that were previously difficult to attain using user-friendly tools. These creators lack the ability to delve deeply into the creative process, yet suddenly have access to advanced video production capabilities, which ultimately exacerbates the problem of homogenization in their work.

V. Discussion and Conclusions

This study provides a detailed account of the origins and peak period of the MAD community. Compared to other gig workers, MADers tend to experience a decline in creativity and vitality as their years of creative activity increase. Consequently, MADers tend to have relatively shorter careers in creative work compared to gig workers in traditional industries. Furthermore, the study discusses the software and technical skills possessed by MADers, highlighting the channels through which they acquire such knowledge. It is worth noting that MADers maintain close ties with online platforms. Bilibili, in particular, provides MADers with convenient access and a low learning curve, helping them keep pace with the latest video production technologies. Given that Chinese universities do not offer specialized training for ACG-style video creators, MADers not only occupy a unique market position as gig workers but are also the only skilled workers in this field, possessing advantages that other workers cannot match.

This study also delves into various common revenue models associated with MAD, including income derived from MAD content itself, income based on MAD-related skills, income generated through the creative production process, entrepreneurship, and the potential for MADers to transition into professional video production careers. As an art form, MAD’s diversity offers immense room for expansion. Unlike traditional gig workers in sectors such as ride-hailing or food delivery, who have only one source of income, MADers can tailor their revenue models to their individual strengths. This is an advantage of being part of the creative class. However, the commercialization of MAD currently faces two unavoidable risks. First, the creative process often operates in a gray area of copyright law, and the software used by MADers is typically pirated. Second, the primary source of income for these gig workers often relies solely on a handful of massive ACG and gaming companies. Consequently, the future of the MAD community remains highly uncertain. Its sustainability does not depend entirely on its internal dynamics but rather on how original content creators address intellectual property issues—or whether the gaming industry can continue to grow. Therefore, MADers can also be viewed as a precarious workforce.

Nevertheless, thanks to the ongoing improvements in the MAD community’s support mechanisms, current MADers remain relatively optimistic about future prospects. Therefore, this study concludes that there are grounds for optimism regarding the long-term development of MAD and its economic potential. However, this study does have certain limitations. On the one hand, the sample selection lacks impartiality to some extent, as many MADers or former MADers with large followings on Bilibili often decline to be interviewed. Furthermore, most respondents were bound by confidentiality agreements and were unable to provide precise information. In addition, some MADers are not merely creators of anime remixes; they typically possess other skills as well. The multiple identities and cross-disciplinary capabilities of the research subjects fall beyond the scope of this study.

Overall, MAD and its online creator community reflect the diversity of China’s current gig economy and flexible employment landscape, and illustrate how some young people in China are earning supplemental income through internet platforms. Although this paper provides an in-depth study of this specific group, it is worth noting that the MADer community remains highly unique, and its long-term development may give rise to new trends that the findings of this study were unable to foresee.

Appendix · Sample List of Interview Questions

Please note that questions may be adjusted based on the respondent’s answer to the previous question in order to obtain more detailed information on related topics.

 

All questions are asked in Chinese.

 

1. MAD·AMV Production Timelines and Categories

1.1. When did you start creating MADs and AMVs?

1.2. Why did you start creating MADs and AMVs?

1.3. Are you still creating MADs and AMVs?

1.4. If you no longer create MADs or AMVs, when did you stop, and why?

1.5. What type of MAD/AMV do you create?

1.6. Why did you choose to create this type of MAD/AMV?

1.7. Have you ever changed the category of MADs or AMVs you choose to create?

1.8. If the category was changed, what was the reason?

2. Technical Skills Learned Through MAD and AMV Creation

2.1. What software have you learned to use while creating MADs and AMVs?

2.2. What technical skills have you learned through creating MADs and AMVs?

2.3. How did you learn these skills?

2.4. Why did you choose to learn these technologies?

2.5. Why did you choose the methods mentioned earlier to learn these technologies?

3. Personal Information Related to MAD·AMV Creation

3.1. Please introduce yourself.

3.2. Do you have a background in the arts?

3.3. Has your personal state of mind influenced your MAD·AMV creations?

4. Income Related to MAD and AMV Creation

4.1. Have you ever earned income by creating MADs or AMVs?

4.2. Have the skills you’ve acquired through creating MADs and AMVs led to higher income, or have they increased your earning potential in some way?

4.3. If you have ever earned income from creating MADs or AMVs, or from the skills you’ve learned, could you tell me the nature of that income? Was it commissioned work? A part-time job? A business venture? Or some other form of employment?

4.4. What is your approximate income range?

4.5. What types of videos have you created to generate income?

4.6. What is the average time it takes to complete a video production task?

4.7. Do you adjust the direction of your creative work based on your income needs?

5. Related Economies and Value Chains

5.1. If you have received requests from others, how did they contact you?

5.2. If you have ever received a request from someone else, who paid you?

5.3. If you work full-time in a related industry, do you know how many of your colleagues are MADers or have been MADers?

5.4. If you work full-time in a related industry, do you think it is easy for a MADer to enter your professional field?

6. Personal Opinion

6.1. What role do you think the Bilibili platform plays in the creation and development of MADs and AMVs?

6.2. In your opinion, what role has the Bilibili platform played in your personal growth and income growth through MADs and AMVs?

6.3. What are your thoughts on the atmosphere within the MAD·AMV creator community? How do you see the future of the MAD·AMV creator community?

6.4. How do you view the impact of emerging technologies on MAD and AMV creation?

6.5. What are your thoughts on the impact of artificial intelligence?

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